"Donor funded media development is a relatively new phenomenon, resulting in minimal impact. Modest gains have been made: technical improvements in television production, some better skilled journalists, development of journalists’ associations and a code of ethics, and greater citizen engagement.... However, balanced and in-depth reports are scant and there remains limited space for freedom of expression. Professional media reports based on fact rather than opinion, on a range of sources (especially on a range of political sources) are the exception rather than the rule ... Improvements require considerable time and effort which often extends beyond the life of a short to medium term donor horizon. AusAID, KAF, UNDP and USAID are current donors who understand this." (Conclusion, p.39)
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"For a project of its size, duration and complexity, the reversioning of the New Zealand media studies degree of Oman has been remarkably successful. Given the inherent problems in developing curricula for 'others', the writing team has been extremely productive and constantly inventive ... it has a...lso become clear that our original view of this project was simplistic and limiting. On the surface, the Omani Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE) faced a choice between developing their own degree and purchasing a 'reversion' of a New Zealand one. The former option was not feasible, but the latter, while proving successful, might not have been the best 'fit'." (Conclusion)
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"Western donor interventions to establish and develop an independent media landscape in Ukraine have been successful overall. Multiple Western donors have helped to support the development of civil society in Ukraine and the development of its independent media system. The political landscape, speci...fically the fact that that between 2005 and 2010 the Ukrainian Government did not interfere with independent media development and the fact that journalists and the editors enjoyed relative freedom encouraged the further development of the media. Some claim that the pro-democratic political regime was instrumental in ensuring that independent media flourished after the Orange revolution. However, this development would not have been possible without Western donor investment in the independent media and in journalism training that have been made in Ukraine from the early 1990s until the present. Most importantly, over the last six years, because of a pro-democratic leadership and indirect political pressure from the European Union on Ukraine, which wants to join the European Union, Ukrainian media and NGOs have been able to develop and flourish and are having a clear, visible impact as government watchdogs and as a barometer for the development of civil society. However, after 2010, since the beginning of the Yanukovich presidency, these watchdog functions started to diminish. Civil society in Ukraine, although still fragile, has made significant progress in recent years, and media outlets and NGOs have played a central role in its development. Donor support has been influential in the establishment and the development of the vast majority of media monitoring organizations, media and journalist training organizations, media NGOs and to a lesser extent, independent media outlets in Ukraine. Many independent media in Ukraine today exist because of the grant aid they received over the years." (Executive summary, p.4)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis ...of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (Commbox-DD)
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"This essay analyses the role of audience research as a change agent in media development interventions in Afghanistan. It analyses how audience research in transnational contexts involves a complex set of intercultural negotiations and translations that contribute to the enduring relevance and sust...ainability of the highly popular Afghan radio soap opera New Home, New Life. This is a ‘development drama’ that has been broadcast across Afghanistan since 1993. It is based on BBC Radio 4’s The Archers and produced by BBC Afghan Education Projects (BBC AEP). Audience research has been vital to forging a dynamic relationship between the creative teams who make the drama, the donors who pay for it, and the audiences who consume it. The article addresses three broad themes. First, we outline how data gathered in formative audience research, prior to the creation of the drama, provides the creative team with the dramatic raw material for the radio serial. The extensive qualitative data gathered by Afghan researchers in local milieux is translated so as to enable culturally diverse teams of writers and producers to ground the serial narratives in the lived experiences of its audiences, and to introduce multiple local perspectives on development issues. Second, we show how evaluative audience research, data gathered in the postproduction phase, plays a key role in providing critical audience interpretations of New Home, New Life’s dramatic themes. In so doing, it creates feedback loops that allow audiences to become active participants in the ongoing creation of the drama. The research designs and devices, developed over the last two decades to document the changing life-worlds of Afghan citizens-cum-audiences, are part of an ongoing set of transcultural encounters that contribute to strengthening the social realist appeal of the drama and to calibrating how far any given storyline can be pushed in terms of cultural propriety. Third, we examine how during periods of military conflict, when routine audience research becomes dangerous or impossible and audience feedback loops are disrupted, the writers and producers have to rely on their own personal and political experiences, often with unpredictable ideological consequences. We draw attention to the limitations and challenges of making dramas for development in highly charged politicised and postcolonial contexts. While, development dramas may be a cheap and effective way of dealing with certain informational needs, such as landmine awareness, they cannot redress social and structural inequalities or, as Western donors wish, eradicate opium cultivation." (Abstract)
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"This publication is an important contribution to literature on disaster and humanitarian crisis communication. It analyses in detail the response to two major but very different emergencies in Haiti: the 2010 earthquake and, later that year, the outbreak of cholera. While humanitarian agencies stil...l see 'communication' as primarily the process of delivering or extracting information, for the affected population, the process of communication seems to matter as much as the information itself. The best communication strategies, whether highly localised or nationwide, were those that meshed a number of different communication channels, says this report. However, more coordination is needed, and monitoring and evaluation practice in communication projects was quite weak." (CAMECO Update 1-2012)
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"In the past few years China has rapidly become an important player in the media sector in many African countries in at least three ways. First, its economic success and the impressive growth of media outlets and users within China have quietly promoted an example of how the media can be deployed wi...thin the larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. It has shown that heavy investments in media and information and communication technologies can go hand-in-hand with a tight control over them, posing a lesser challenge to local governments and to political stability. Second, the Chinese government, and its associated companies, have enhanced their direct involvement in the telecommunication and media markets in Africa. Chinese companies have started winning large bids on the continent, as exemplified by the 1.7 billion dollars project won by the Chinese telecom giant ZTE to overhaul Ethiopia's telecommunication system. At the same time, the Chinese government has provided significant support to state broadcasters in selected countries, such as Kenya and Zambia. Third, China's public diplomacy strategy has been stepped up through expanding the reach and content of its international broadcasters including China Central Television-CCTV and China Radio International-CRI. There has also been a heavy investment in the growth of the government news agency, Xinhua. Cultural diplomacy has been growing through the continued establishment of Confucius institutes. And programmes that offer scholarships for foreign students and journalists to study in China have been expanded." (Executive summary)
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"Western-supported media assistance in transition and developing countries has a long history. Building independent media, preferably through the nongovernmental sector, is seen as an important aspect of achieving mondernization and democratization. This article questions the idealized assumptions u...nderlining such programmes and argues that media assistance donors rarely analyze it critically. The article discusses the political character of Western media assistance and explores the organizational eco-system in which the NGOs flourish. The article concludes by observing NGOs' unexpected power in the process of providing Western media assistance." (Abstract)
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"Ziel der hier vorgelegten Studie ist es,– analog der Vorgaben des PriME-Handbuchs 2008 von InWEnt,– gemäß der Kriterien für Evaluation von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit nach OECD-DAC,– unter Rückgriff auf angelsächsische Modelle für PM+E im Bereich der Medienentwicklungszusamme...narbeit sowie– unter Rückgriff auf die kommunikationswissenschaft-liche Literaturein Konzept für künftige systematische Evaluierungen der mittelfristigen Wirkungen des IIJ-Programms zu entwickeln, das über die Evaluierung unmittelbar nach Ende der Weiterbildungsmaßnahme hinausgeht. Mit Blick auf die bereits vom IIJ formulierten Programmziele zu prüfen ist der Erfolg von Capacity-Building-Maßnahmen auf Ebene der individuellen Akteure (Journalisten), auf Ebene von Organisationen (Redaktionen) sowie auf Systemebene. Hierzu wird eine Methodenkombination (Triangulation) empfohlen, die aufeinander aufbauend sowohl mit quantitativen als auch mit qualitativen Methoden arbeitet und außer der Ebene der Akteure (Journalisten) insbesondere die Ebene der Organisationen (Redaktionen) einbezieht. Um einen ökonomischen Umgang mit Ressourcen sicherzustellen, wird grundsätzlich empfohlen, mit Online-Befragungen zu arbeiten und ergänzend Telefon-Befragungen sowie fallweise vor Ort Face-to-Face-Interviews durchzuführen. Im Rahmen der Studie werden folgende PM+E-Tools für das IIJ entwickelt:– Fragebogen für die Online-Befragung der Alumni(quantitativ),– Fragebogen für die ergänzende Online-Befragung von Referenzpersonen der Alumni (quantitativ),– Leitfaden für telefonische Interviews mit Alumni/Experten in den Zielländern (qualitativ),– Leitfaden für Face-to-Face-Interviews mit lokalen Partnern (qualitativ).Der Fragebogen für die Online-Befragung als zentrales PM+E-Tool wurde erfolgreich einem Pre-Test unterzogen. Die Studie schließt mit einem Analyseraster für die Auswertung von im Rahmen von PM+E-Maßnahmen gewonnenen Daten, um gemäß der PriME-Qualitätsschleife institutionelles Lernen zu ermöglichen." (Zusammenfassung, S.6)
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"Chinese assistance to African media is not new. What is different now is that it is being administered in the post-Cold War era with a greater degree of openness." (p.52)
"This publication describes the main media assistance funders outside the USA in an alphabetical fashion from 'Arab States' to 'United Kingdom', complemented by data on the European Commission (EC), UNESCO and UNDP. The EC is likely to be the biggest single funder of media development projects besid...es the United States. An approximate and conservative guess was a current yearly commitment by the EC of about $82 million worth of media-related projects. For comparison, Sweden and Norway provided $30 million and $19 million on media support, respectively, in 2008, and the Netherlands and Switzerland were estimated to fund about $37 million and $29 million per year, respectively. In forming part of the "governance" agenda of many donors the rationale for media support is being much more precisely articulated than in the past, and it is no longer as confused with either communications as public relations or with communications as a tool for social or behavioural change. Nevertheless, often there is no long-term strategy or commitment for media development and, as a result, more complex media reform programmes (for instance legislation, reform of state broadcasters, or establishment of national training structures) are not tackled accordingly." (CAMECO Update 1-2010)
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"This assessment describes and contextualises a series of challenges for an environment conducive to freedom of expression brought about by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 and the changes to the political framework in Sudan. The aim is to establish a comprehensive overview of ...the media situation in all relevant sectors, as well as developing an overview of support to the sectors and the strategies behind this support from agencies for international cooperation. Although the CPA opened up space for a more democratic setup for media ownership and practice and resulted in a number of changes to the media situation in Sudan, the freedom of expression environment in Sudan still faces important challenges. According to this assessment, the main challenges are:Need for media reform: There is a dire need for legal reform in the area of freedom of expression and access to information. At the national level, new media laws produced and presented to Parliament show only slight improvement over the existing laws. In Southern Sudan the Legislative Assembly has adopted a more progressive media policy, but the four draft bills which have been prepared have not yet been processed by the assembly.Need for professional skill building: Professional journalists are scarce, and objective and relevant reporting is a challenge for many Sudanese newspapers. In spite of the large number of media schools in Sudan, the results are discouraging. The academic and professional standards of the graduates are extremely basic and on-the-job training is almost non-existent.Poor working conditions: Basic working conditions and employment rights in the Sudanese media are poor, especially in the printed media. There is widespread exploitation, not least of young journalists. The poor working conditions have negative consequences for the quality of journalism. In addition, many Sudanese journalists have emigrated to find better job opportunities abroad.Politicisation of the media sector: The highly politicised environment in Sudan is reflected in the media sector. A significant part of the media in Sudan operates within a set political frame, pursuing political goals and the desire to influence public opinion and decision making." (Executive summary)
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"The working group considered how international media development programs—particularly those that are U.S.-supported—have succeeded or failed, discussed best practices, and made recommendations. Journalist Ann McFeatters served as the rapporteur for the meeting. The discussion focused on severa...l questions: What has succeeded in international media law development? What has not performed as planned and why? What is needed for success? What should be the role of the U.S. government and private donors? What new strategies should be tried? This report highlights working group’s main recommendations and points of discussion." (Executive summary, p.4)
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"This book examines the crucial role the media played in the 1994 Rwanda genocide, bringing together local reporters and commentators from Rwanda, Western journalists, and media theorists. Part One (eight articles) describes and analyzes "Hate Media in Rwanda", mainly, but not exclusively, focusing ...on Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM). Part Two (thirteen articles) presents a critique of international media coverage of the genocide, including not only the United States and Western Europe, but also Kenya and Nigeria. Part three (five articles) covers the deliberations by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda on the role of the media in the genocide, identifying various missed opportunities. Part Four, "After the Genocide and the Way Forward" (six articles), goes beyond the Rwanda experiences, tackling issues like the use and abuse of media in vulnerable societies. The authors outline how censorship and propaganda can be avoided, argue for a new responsibility in media reporting, and give recommendations for media intervention in the prevention of genocidal violence." (CAMECO Update 1-2008)
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"From small beginnings in the 1960s, Western governments and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) are today spending huge sums on media intervention in Arab countries, to the point where such intervention has become an industry. Among the plethora of media projects aimed at moulding ...Arab public affairs are a subset intentionally framed in terms of a discourse of conflict resolution, conflict handling and peace-building. Since 1998 external donors have financed such projects bilaterally and multilaterally, with the explicit aim of replacing violence and threats among regional antagonists with mutual understanding, diversity, dialogue and exchange. When it comes to measuring their impact and effectiveness, however, the results have generally failed to meet expectations, and there have been some spectacular disasters. Despite this, the number of such projects in the region is on the increase, with an ever wider range of donors becoming involved. This chapter reviews the development of these interventions for peace. It proposes a typology for understanding their objectives, evaluates their general success and failure and concludes with some considerations about requirements for success." (p.135)
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"Relevant changes in Angolan media were noticed in the press. Newspapers grew the most radios grew some, but TV did not grow at all. There are few new media development initiatives known in Angola. The greatest initiative, though still not in effect, is the new Media Law. The growth of the Sindicato... dos Jornalistas de Angola (SJA) has seen the election of new management and the organisation has become very active in empowering journalists and defending their rights." (Summary & conclusions, p.47)
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"On the whole, interviewees report both a positive quantitative and qualitative change in terms of the number and content of media messages. Liberalisation and more stable political climate has facilitated the opening up of the telecommunications sector, and has led to a diversification of the media... industry. Community radio has proliferated and has brought many benefits, particularly in terms of enhancing participation and information provision to those living in remote areas. The establishment of a Press Congress and the High Authority for Media has created a more favourable environment for the media to development. The advent of national and international NGOs that promote peace, and defend freedom of information and of the press, has been important in supporting journalists who suffer repression. There has been a substantial increase in the number of further education institutions and courses that offer training in journalism and communication sciences. According to one interviewee, expanding digital telecommunications networks offer the greatest potential to improve communication and information provision across the country." (Summary & conclusions, p.73
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"The following changes have taken place over the past five years: media laws have been enacted; a legal framework is in place with the Press Law and Broadcast Law, and the creation of a favourable environment for media development; the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority has been established to issue lice...nces for private broadcasters (though not enough); expansion of both state and private media – especially the increase in the number of papers, the opening of regional radio and community radio (though insignificant in number); expanded coverage of state media and an increase in the number of languages used; schools of journalism have opened in different universities; training institutes have been forced to upgrade their programmes, revise their syllabuses, and upgrade the quality of their teaching staff; some media institutions have begun to consider quality and diversity of content." (Summary & conclusions, p.69)
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"This study critically evaluates international democratization assistance in postconflict societies to discern what has worked, what has not, and how aid programs can be designed to have a more positive impact. The authors offer a unique recipient perspective as they explore three dimensions of demo...cracy promotion: elections, free media, and human rights. Drawing on the experiences of Afghanistan, Cambodia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, and Uganda, they suggest concrete ways in which the international community can better foster democratization in the wake of conflict." (Publisher)
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"The media sector in Ghana has witnessed some dramatic, positive changes over the past few years, made possible by the promulgation of the 1992 democratic Constitution and the election in 2000 of President Kufuor’s government. All interviewees agreed that democratisation and the repeal of the Crim...inal Libel Law have been the most important changes for the media sector, allowing for an explosion in the number of media houses in Ghana. Training was identified as the single most important media development initiative in the individual interviewees’ areas of work." (Summary & conclusions, p.57)
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