"Among the various forms of online censorship, internet shutdowns are some of the most invasive and blunt. Unlike traditional forms of censorship like blocking internet pages or certain content, these disruptions to digital communications are architectural and affect a preliminary condition in the i...nformation society: access to the internet. While many conversations on the impact of network disruptions on human rights tend to centre around civil and political rights, the disruptions also have a profound impact on socio-economic rights, such as the right to education, housing, health, and even social security ... The best experience that can be replicated elsewhere is the legal action that was backed by civil society organisations and lawyers against mobile operators and governments over internet shut down in January 2019 in Zimbabwe. The shutdown caused loss of business and income and threats to life, according to the suit filed by the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and the Zimbabwe unit of the Media Institute of Southern Africa. The legal action was directed at the three mobile networks operating in the country, including Econet Wireless Zimbabwe Ltd, as well as President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the national security minister and the head of the intelligence services. The state security minister ordered service providers to switch off the internet after a wave of violent anti-government demonstrations in the country. In this case the high court decided that “the minister had no authority to make that order.” Redress at a regional level is another avenue that should be explored as encouraging moves are seen at least from courts that are under the regional economic communities (RECs). In 2019, Access Now together with other eight organisations, submitted a brief to Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), arguing that the shutdown in Togo was inconsistent with regional and international frameworks and violated the fundamental human rights of the Togolese people. The ECOWAS court ruled that the blackouts in Togo were illegal." (p.2-5)
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"This handbook explains how internet shutdowns undermine democractic elections and provides tips and recommendations for key actors to navigate shutdowns and understand and assess the extent to which an election taking place under a shutdown is free and fair. It is aimed at election observers, peopl...e on diplomatic missions, journalists, and human rights activists in particular." (Introduction)
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"Este manual busca ser una herramienta para que los(as) periodistas tengan mayor información acerca de sus derechos y de cómo pueden protegerlos antes, durante y después de los comicios. Asimismo, pretende dar a conocer diferentes temáticas relevantes en el ambiente electoral, como la Agenda 203...0 y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible – ODS, el cubrimiento con enfoque de género y las fuentes útiles para realizar un efectivo ejercicio periodístico." (p.7)
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"Around the world, women frequently experience harassment and violence when they decide to exercise their civil and political rights. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have created new vehicles for violence against women in elections (VAWIE), including violence that takes place on so...cial media and in private messaging. These forms of violence are compounded by the anonymity and scale that online media platforms provide. VAWIE-Online is a means to silence women who publicly engage in political life through fear, shame and intimidation. This violence is different from the online violence and harassment experienced by politically active men in its underlying intent, its multiplied impact, as well as its frequency, form, and content. The VAWIE-Online Social Media Analysis Tool (VAWIE-Online Tool) offers an adaptable method to measure the gendered aspects and understand the drivers of online election violence against women. The primary purpose of this tool is to identify trends and patterns of online violence around electoral periods. More specifically, the tool will allow users to identify the scope, breadth, and intensity of VAWIE-Online. Using artificial intelligence-based data analysis tools, the VAWIE-Online Tool quantifies and categorizes social media data to identify and distinguish forms of online violence. By incorporating this analysis of online violence into broader analysis of gender in elections, electoral stakeholders can better understand this issue in their respective countries and can begin to address it through their work. This guide is intended for use by civil society organizations (CSOs), election and human rights monitors and observers, and other activist and research groups seeking to analyze online violence against women in elections. It is constructed as a step-by-step tool to introduce users to social media analysis, specifically data mining and sentiment analysis. Although this tool is written to provide an introduction and overview for general users, data mining and sentiment analysis are sophisticated research approaches and users of this guide will find it helpful to work with a team that has experience in data analytics and a background in working on gender-based violence (GBV) and electoral politics." (p.2)
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"Which instruments and approaches do incumbent elites employ to skew media coverage in favour of their preferred candidate in a presidential election? What effects do these strategies have on news content? Based on two case studies of the presidential election campaigns in Russia in 2000 and in 2008..., this investigation identifies the critical internal mechanisms according to which these regimes work. Looking at the same country, while it transformed from a competitive into a hegemonic authoritarian regime, allows one to make a diachronic comparison of these two regime types based on the Most-Similar Systems Design. The book explicates the subtle differences between competitive and hegemonic regimes, different types of media manipulation strategies, the diverging extent of media instrumentalisation, various interactions among state actors, large business owners, the media, and journalists, the respective effects that all these factors and interactions have on media content, and the peculiar types of bias prevalent in each type of regime." (Publisher)
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"El estudio de los fenómenos comunicativos en las elecciones de México de 2015 constituye el punto de análisis en el presente volumen. En el marco normativo de un órgano electoral nuevo, el Instituto Nacional Electoral, las variaciones del tratamiento informativo y la presencia de estrategias me...diáticas en la prensa, la radio y la televisión reforzaron la idea de unos medios de comunicación que fungieron como creadores de contextos interpretativos y agentes de control de la opinión pública, para el posicionamiento o deslegitimación de los candidatos ciudadanos y de los partidos políticos. Las elecciones intermedias demostraron, a pesar de la reforma electoral de 2014 y la participación de los candidatos independientes, que la regulación normativa del modelo de comunicación política tiene frente a sí a la diversidad de prácticas mediáticas y modulación discursiva como un universo de manifestaciones del lenguaje de la política, que se re-inventa a cada paso." (Editorial)
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"For the last couple of years, there were more reporting on disability in the media but most of them only reporting and portraying the ‘uniqueness’ of disability. In the election news reporting, media only portray the Persons with Disabilities on the voting process but the news still did not hav...e the clear message and even used incorrect terminologies. Learning for these experiences, General Election Network for Disability Access (AGENDA) which is the consortium of Jaringan Pendidikan Pemilih untuk Rakyat (JPPR/ People’s Voter Education Network), Persatuan Penyandang Disabilitas Indonesia (PPDI/Indonesian Association of Persons with Disabilities) and International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), took an initiative to develop the Media Guidelines for Reporting on Accessible Elections. This guideline explains about the terminology on disability and accessible election, how to interact with Persons with Disabilities, and how to make the news article on the political rights of Persons with Disabilities. The guidelines also provides the examples of good reporting and the contact information of the Disabled People’s Organizations (DPOs) in Indonesia. We hope the guidelines will be useful for the journalist to report on the Persons with Disabilities, especially to report on the accessible election. By having good and massive reporting on accessible election, we hope the public have more knowledge about the political rights of Persons with Disabilities. As a result of this efforts, the public awareness is increased and together we can advocate the political rights of Person with Disabilities in elections." (Foreword)
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"Undoubtedly, politicians have awoken to the political power of social media and it will be increasingly adopted as a mainstream means of information distribution and communications as voters and young people are becoming more politically active in a number of the jurisdictions surveyed in this book.... But it is not a wholehearted embrace. On the side of the voters, the interest in the electoral process derives from personal considerations, such as ethnicity and location, rather than the desire to become politically active. On the side of the candidates, the motivating factor behind their social media efforts is the desire to employ more cost effective communication methods that reach all relevant demographics. Still, the paradigm shift has begun, with varying degrees of impact in the region. A similar survey of voting habits and the impact of social media from years from now would almost certainly tell a different story. Judging by the trends outlined in this book, the same applies to potential electoral impact of social media which could be the major driving force of future elections in the region - along with the youth vote as young people realize the importance of social media to the political machines and, accordingly, flex their own fledgling political muscles across the electoral process." (Introduction, p.10-11)
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"L’appui à la couverture médiatique du scrutin vise trois objectifs : offrir une information suffisante au citoyen pour que son choix électoral soit posé en connaissance de cause ; garantir le pluralisme à travers la visibilité octroyée aux différentes forces en présence ; crédibiliser l...e processus électoral à travers la circulation d’une information fiable permettant aux citoyens de se convaincre de la transparence du scrutin. Un appui efficace à la réalisation de ces objectifs demande une inscription dans le long terme. Il s’agit de modifier durablement les perceptions, les capacités et les pratiques des acteurs concernés avec pour horizon l’échéance électorale. Les médias s’intègrent en outre dans un cadre plus global, mobilisant un large spectre d’acteurs – instance de gestion des élections, parlements, organisations de la société civile, partis politiques, système judiciaire et sécuritaire — dont les objectifs sont parfois contradictoires, interdépendants et s’influencent mutuellement. Mettre l’accent sur ces liens entre médias et autres acteurs de l’élection est également crucial. Le changement politique et social est porté par l’action conjointe des réformateurs au sein de chaque groupe, et de militants dans les zones d’interaction entre ces groupes. Concrètement, s’inscrire dans le long terme et en interaction avec les autres acteurs de l’élection conduit à privilégier une approche dans le cadre du cycle électoral : l’appui aux processus électoraux et l’assistance aux médias en période électorale sont conçus de manière cyclique, d’une échéance à l’autre." (Recommendations, p.24)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis ...of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (Commbox-DD)
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