"The study showed a changing pattern in the misconceptions and misinformation about COVID-19. Initially myths were largely on causes and vulnerability. It was widely speculated that black people had some immunity against COVID-19. Also, the condition was perceived to cause severe disease among the e...lderly. These misconceptions served as risk attenuators among Ghanaians, especially the younger generation. As the infection evolved in the country, another misconception emerged that the hot climate in Africa inhibited viral replication and transmission only to be followed by speculations and conjectures that COVID-19 was being used as a biological weapon to target developed economics. For the management of COVID-19, the use of local remedies such as Neem tree (Azadirachta indica) and herbal preparation also emerged. Myths about the efficacy of locally manufactured gin (akpeteshie) and hydroxychloroquine as prophylaxis led to abuse of such substances. Interview segments revealed the use of myths to propagate political agenda in the country. The study concludes that COVID-19 misconceptions and misinformation are widespread and cover the course of the condition. These myths necessitate culturally sensitive health communication strategies that take into account local perceptions of COVID-19 in order to tackle the circulation of misconceived messages about the pandemic in Ghana." (Abstract)
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"The RTI Act is considered the mother of all anti-corruption tools in Ghana. It is expected that citizens will utilize the law to access public information thereby engendering transparency and accountability in governance. Again, that active information disclosure by government and public institutio...ns will help in the fight against corruption. However, since the passage of the law, awareness and uptake of the law by citizens including journalists has been quite low. Thus, as part of efforts to increase the knowledge of the law among journalists and how it can be utilized to help fight corruption in Ghana, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) with support from the Deutche Welle Akademie on June 17, 2021 convened a forum of journalists, lawyers, anti-corruption CSOs, journalists’ groups/associations and members of the RTI Commission on the theme Investigative Journalism, the RTI Law and the Fight Against Corruption in Ghana. This Publication presents key Reflections and Recommendations from stakeholders at the forum." (Background, p.2)
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"This open access handbook presents a multidisciplinary and multifaceted perspective on how the 'digital' is simultaneously changing Russia and the research methods scholars use to study Russia. It provides a critical update on how Russian society, politics, economy, and culture are reconfigured in ...the context of ubiquitous connectivity and accounts for the political and societal responses to digitalization. In addition, it answers practical and methodological questions in handling Russian data and a wide array of digital methods. The volume makes a timely intervention in our understanding of the changing field of Russian Studies and is an essential guide for scholars, advanced undergraduate and graduate students studying Russia today." (Publisher)
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"Drawing upon a year-long study of journalism in Tasmania, Bill Dodd develops a tripartite theory of solutions journalism at the intersection of three core concepts: hope, leadership, and expertise. In Australia’s lagging southernmost province, where development propositions have sparked global pr...otest movements, ‘New Tasmania’ represented a newly optimistic spirit of bipartisanship. Yet, in this book, a close reading of solutions-focused discourse reveals deeper asymmetries regarding whose voices are routinely privileged in framing the future. On this basis, the book argues for a solutions journalism founded on a nuanced understanding of hope and a plurality of community leaders and practical expertise." (Publisher)
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"The book covers the definitions and uses of six philosophies, analytical methods, cultural awareness, visual reporting, documentary, citizen journalists, advertising, public relations, typography, graphic design, data visualizations, cartoons, motion pictures, television, computers and the web, aug...mented and virtual reality, social media, the editing process, and the need for empathy. At the end of each are case studies for further analysis and interviews with thoughtful practitioners in each field of study, including Steven Heller and Nigel Holmes. This second edition has also been fully revised and updated throughout to reflect on the impact of new and emerging technologies." (Publisher)
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"This study examines whether and how public media systems contribute to the health of democracies in 33 countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Middle East, Latin America, and South America. We gather national economic data and public media funding levels, audience shares, and regulato...ry data, primarily for 2018 and 2019 but in some cases earlier, due to lack of available data. We then assess correlations with strength of democracy indices and extend Hallin and Mancini's typology of North American and European media systems through hierarchical cluster analysis of these 33 countries. We find five models of public media systems around the world, ranging from “state-administered” systems with low levels of independence (Botswana and Tunisia) to systems aligning with Hallin and Mancini's “Democratic Corporatist” model, with strong and secure (multiyear) funding, large audience shares, and strong regulatory protection for their independence. In between, we identify three mixed models: a “Liberal-Pluralist” model, a “Direct Funding” model, and a “Commercial–Public” model. Correlations and cluster analyses show that high levels of secure funding for public media systems and strong structural protections for the political and economic independence of those systems are consistently and positively correlated with healthy democracies." (Abstract)
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"Definitions of impunity regarding crimes against journalists have thus far been too narrow. Therefore, we propose a new approach to understanding impunity as also being grounded in journalists’ lived reality and perceptions to better understand the complexity and breadth of impunity. It is based ...on the findings obtained through a set of semi-structured interviews with 40 editors and senior journalists in five countries and expressed in a new typology of impunity. We argue that what we call the ‘Politics of Impunity’ is a policy of governance whereby impunity is used as a political tool by the state and state-sponsored actors to achieve journalistic self-censorship. This is done through the deliberate deprivation of private autonomy brought about by the enforced exile of journalists into a ‘space of exception’ where they are both within and beyond the law. The exercise of the ‘Politics of Impunity’ in an increasing number of states creates an environment that only allows for politically compliant journalism." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the role played by community radio in social change through the lens of participatory communication and locates it within the context of the globalization of media. At present, even though there are multiple media outlets, much of the grammar of creating content feeds into the... production values of a globalized marketplace and to an oligopolistic control of media by big multinational companies, resulting in a democracy deficit. In this chapter we argue, through a conceptual and empirical survey of community radio in many countries, that to build a robust civil society that can effectively negotiate with those in power for inclusive development and sustainable social change, it is necessary to create decentralised and democratic discursive spaces that promote freedom of expression and equitable access to media. Community radio is one such institutional space that has been effectively used by historically marginalised groups to make their voices heard." (Abstract)
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"The text presents the results of the external evaluation of the project: ‘Community Radio for Peace and Coexistence’ (CRPC), implemented between 2015 and 2017 by the community media network RESANDER, with the support of the Colombian Government and the European Union. Considering that community... radios are key actors for the construction of public dialogue and collective action about peace and coexistence in the Colombian territories, the purpose of the CRPC project was to strengthen community radios through a process that involved: training in radio production skills and communication for peace, production of new radio content and circulation of the content produced throughout the project. The evaluation aimed to generate evidence about the role of these community radios, especially after the signature of the peace agreements between the Colombian State and the FARC guerilla. The results show the contributions of the Colombian community radios for the construction of a culture of peace and coexistence from the local territories, as well as the transformations, tensions and challenges they faced on the production of new radio content and the construction of spaces for dialogue, participation and collective action." (Abstract)
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"This book brings together twelve contributions that trace the empirical-conceptual evolution of Popular Communication, associating it mainly with the context of inequalities in Latin America and with the creative and collective appropriation of communication and knowledge technologies as a strategy... of resistance and hope for marginalized social groups. In this way, even while emphasizing the Latin American and even ancestral identity of this current of thought, this book positions it as an epistemology of the South capable of inspiring relevant reflections in an increasingly unequal and mediatized world. The volume's contributors include both early-career and established professionals and natives of seven countries in Latin America." (Publisher)
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"This study examines whether and how public media systems contribute to the health of democracies in 33 countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Middle East, Latin America, and South America. We gather national economic data and public media funding levels, audience shares, and regulato...ry data, primarily for 2018 and 2019 but in some cases earlier, due to lack of available data. We then assess correlations with strength of democracy indices and extend Hallin and Mancini's typology of North American and European media systems through hierarchical cluster analysis of these 33 countries. We find five models of public media systems around the world, ranging from “state-administered” systems with low levels of independence (Botswana and Tunisia) to systems aligning with Hallin and Mancini's “Democratic Corporatist” model, with strong and secure (multiyear) funding, large audience shares, and strong regulatory protection for their independence. In between, we identify three mixed models: a “Liberal-Pluralist” model, a “Direct Funding” model, and a “Commercial–Public” model. Correlations and cluster analyses show that high levels of secure funding for public media systems and strong structural protections for the political and economic independence of those systems are consistently and positively correlated with healthy democracies." (Abstract)
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"Due to the relative lack of media comparison studies within Asian contexts, theoretical frameworks based in Western societies have been applied to knowledge production in the global South. Using a ‘most different’ design, this study compares the dimensions of media systems reflected in two Chin...ese and two Korean newspapers in their initial coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic. Content analysis showed statistically significant differences in distribution of sources, topics and valence, usage of frame types, and actors including domestic government and foreign entities held responsible between the two groups of media. Based on political implications of crisis on Chinese and Korean news content, we mainly discuss political instrumentalization and parallelism in the media in an Asian context. Finally, we open up the dimensions of media system from an Asian perspective and address the need for future research." (Abstract)
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"Mali’s first non-state radio went on air during the authoritarian rule of Moussa Traoré in 1988, challenging the common narrative that ties political and media liberalization together. Negotiations were conducted by Italian NGOs at a time when such organizations had become key political actors i...n Sahelian countries. The implementation of Radio Rurale de Kayes was part of a wider infrastructural project that notably included a road. This historical account follows the metaphorical and literal association between the radio and the road in order to reflect on mobility and its constraints. Tracing the radio’s trajectory from space-making to community-building, it shows how the station managed to sustain itself thanks to its position within an emerging network of associations led by return migrants and because of how it fitted into local infrastructures of mobility, thus calling for a stronger attention to the relation between radio, the audiences it convenes, and space." (Abstract)
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"Among the various forms of online censorship, internet shutdowns are some of the most invasive and blunt. Unlike traditional forms of censorship like blocking internet pages or certain content, these disruptions to digital communications are architectural and affect a preliminary condition in the i...nformation society: access to the internet. While many conversations on the impact of network disruptions on human rights tend to centre around civil and political rights, the disruptions also have a profound impact on socio-economic rights, such as the right to education, housing, health, and even social security ... The best experience that can be replicated elsewhere is the legal action that was backed by civil society organisations and lawyers against mobile operators and governments over internet shut down in January 2019 in Zimbabwe. The shutdown caused loss of business and income and threats to life, according to the suit filed by the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and the Zimbabwe unit of the Media Institute of Southern Africa. The legal action was directed at the three mobile networks operating in the country, including Econet Wireless Zimbabwe Ltd, as well as President Emmerson Mnangagwa, the national security minister and the head of the intelligence services. The state security minister ordered service providers to switch off the internet after a wave of violent anti-government demonstrations in the country. In this case the high court decided that “the minister had no authority to make that order.” Redress at a regional level is another avenue that should be explored as encouraging moves are seen at least from courts that are under the regional economic communities (RECs). In 2019, Access Now together with other eight organisations, submitted a brief to Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), arguing that the shutdown in Togo was inconsistent with regional and international frameworks and violated the fundamental human rights of the Togolese people. The ECOWAS court ruled that the blackouts in Togo were illegal." (p.2-5)
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"This groundbreaking collaborative case study is the most comprehensive assessment of online violence against a prominent woman journalist to date. We conducted a forensic analysis of the torrent of social media attacks on internationally celebrated digital media pioneer Maria Ressa over a five-year... period (2016-2021). Here, we detail the intensity and ferocity of this abuse, and demonstrate how it is designed not only to vilify a journalism icon, but to discredit journalism itself, and shatter public trust in facts. These attacks also created an enabling environment for Ressa’s persecution and prosecution in the Philippines. Now, her life is at risk and she faces the prospect of decades in jail, proving that there is nothing virtual about online violence." (p.1)
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"In India, religious texts, social customs, rituals, and everyday cultural practices legitimise the use of hate speech against marginalised caste groups. Notions of "purity" of “upper-caste” groups, and conversely of "pollution" of “lower-caste” groups, have made the latter subject to discri...mination, violence and dehumanisation. These dynamics invariably manifest online, with social media platforms becoming sites of caste discrimination and humiliation. This report explores two research questions. First, what are the specific contours of caste-hate speech and abuse online? Semi-structured interviews with 12 scholars and activists belonging to Dalit, Bahujan and Adivasi (DBA) groups show that marginalised groups regularly face hate and harassment based on their caste. In addition to the overt hate, DBA individuals and groups are often targeted with abuse for availing reservations – a constitutionally mandated right. More covert forms of hate and abuse are also prevalent: trolls mix caste names and words from different languages together so that their comments appear meaningless to individuals who are not keenly aware of the local context. Such hateful expression often emerges as a reaction from “upper-caste” groups to DBA resistance and social justice movements. Our respondents reported that the hateful expression can sometimes silence caste-marginalised groups and individuals, exclude them from conversations, and adversely impact their physical and mental well-being. The second question we explore is how popular social media platforms and online spaces moderate caste-hate speech and abuse. We analysed the community guidelines, policies and transparency reports of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Clubhouse. We find that Facebook, Twitter and YouTube incorporated "caste" as a protected characteristic in their hate speech and harassment policies only in the last two or three years – many years after they entered Indian and South Asian markets – showing a disregard for the regional contexts of their users. Even after these policy changes, many platforms – whose forms for reporting harmful content list gender and race – still do not list caste. Social media companies should radically increase their investment and capacity in understanding regional contexts and languages; they must focus on the dynamics of casteist hate and abuse. They will need to collaborate with a diverse set of DBA activists to ensure that their community guidelines effectively tackle overt, covert and hyper -local forms of caste-hate speech and abuse, and that their implementation and reporting processes match these policy commitments." (Eexecutive summary)
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