"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in the Palestinian territories. It includes information on audiences, content producers and languages associated with the media and examines the communications culture and preferences of different groups in the community. The guide gives a
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n insight into the role of media in crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. It also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other forms of mass communication. The guide aims to help improve communications and inform the work of Palestinian media organisations, humanitarian actors and United Nations (UN) agencies and their community engagement working groups, especially in preparation for impending disasters and during the response phase. It can also assist in the planning and implementation of development work with media." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This Media Landscape Guide was produced in January 2022. It provides a snapshot of the media at this time in Belarus. It provides an analysis of the recent shocks to the media landscape and an overview of the different types of media and information sources available for Belarusians: digital media
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platforms, social media and messaging platforms, television, radio, and print. It covers the main and most popular media outlets." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This paper is the summary of the results of a research project lasting over six months, covering domestic and foreign hidden malign influence activities pursued through the so-called "grey zone" media in three countries - the Czech Republic, Serbia and Hungary -, during a period of heightened inter
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national tensions related to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Political Capital has assessed in numerous studies how the Kremlin or the Hungarian hybrid political regime has used their extensive media empire to conduct active measures or political smear-campaigns in service of political or geopolitical goals. In this study, we set out to understand the inner workings of clandestine disinformation campaigns carried out by mostly anonymous media actors to conduct or influence political campaigns, specifically in the run-up to the Czech, Serbian and Hungarian elections, and destabilise the region in general after the outbreak of the war." (Page 2)
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"1. Government should implement the Access to Information Act 2016 speedily and fully. This would help realize the Right of Access to Information and promote a culture of transparency, openness and accountability among public officials.
2. The Information and Communications Act should be revised to
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ensure that the Communications Authority is truly independent from government, following the guidelines set out by Principle 17 of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa.
3. The Books and Newspapers Act of 1960 should be revised and registration of publications should be allowed for administrative purposes only.
4. The regulation issued by the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB) for licences to be required for anyone uploading videos on social media should not be approved.
5. The Information and Communications (Amendment) Bill, which provides for the obligation to license social media platforms and blogs and heavy fines for offenders, should be withdrawn.
6. Measures to prevent concentration within and between different media sectors should be strengthened, and transparency of ownership should be ensured in media legislation.
7. The government should provide a conducive atmosphere in which community radio can thrive. Donor organizations and government both at national and county level should work together to establish a support fund for community radio." (Key recommendations, page 15)
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"Esta publicación presenta información sobre el mercado de los medios de comunicación en Nicaragua, sobre cómo la población los percibe y cuáles son los hábitos de la audiencia en el consumo de la información. Además, ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la viabilidad de los medios [...] Los
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resultados presentados abajo se refieren a las respuestas obtenidas de las 841 personas que participaron en la encuesta. Los periódicos digitales son los medios más preferidos para informarse, seguidos por la televisión y las redes sociales. La información que más se consume son las noticias nacionales, específicamente políticas. Un 87 por ciento manifiesta leer noticias por lo menos una vez al día y un 65 por ciento incluso varias veces al día. La gran mayoría no prefiere un día en específico para leer, pero sí prefiere leer temprano en el día o por la noche. El celular es el dispositivo preferido para leer noticias. Los medios más consumidos son los considerados más confiables: la versión digital de Confidencial y La Prensa, seguidos por Canal 10. Los medios oficialistas están entre los que menos se consideran confiables. Las principales razones por confiar en un medio son: noticias objetivas e información veraz, la independencia del medio, el profesionalismo de sus periodistas y la verificación de fuentes." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 4-6)
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"Esta publicación presenta información sobre el mercado actual de los medios de comunicación en El Salvador, sobre cómo la población percibe estos medios y cuáles son los hábitos de la audiencia en el consumo de la información. Además, ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la viabilidad de lo
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s medios [...] Los resultados presentados abajo se refieren a las respuestas obtenidas de las 1074 personas que participaron en la encuesta. Los periódicos digitales y las redes sociales son los medios más preferidos para informarse, seguidos por la televisión. Las notas nacionales, internacionales y de política son la información más consumida. Un 68.5 por ciento manifiesta leer noticias varias veces al día; ocho de cada diez no tienen preferencia en cuanto al día. El celular es el dispositivo preferido para leer noticas con el 73 por ciento de respuestas. Los medios más consumidos son El Faro, La Prensa Gráfica y El Diario de Hoy. La televisora mejor posicionada en el ranking es TCS. El periódico más confiado es El Faro. Las principales razones para confiar en un medio son la imparcialidad, objetividad y su capacidad de investigar y transmitir noticias reales. El Faro, Gato Encerrado y Revista Factum son considerados los más independientes de grupos de poder político o económico, aunque 16.4 por ciento opina que ningún medio es independiente." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 4-6)
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"Los medios investigados en este estudio llegan más que todo a una población de mayor poder adquisitivo y niveles académicos que buscan un periodismo serio, investigativo, de calidad. Es una audiencia bastante involucrada con el medio. Le gusta a esa audiencia sentirse parte del medio de comunica
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ción, colaborarle y tener contacto directo con sus periodistas. En específico, les gusta participar en diálogos y debates mediante eventos presenciales y webinars, sugerir temas de investigación, recibir información mediante boletínes informativos personalizados, y tener acceso a podcasts, videos, EBooks. El acceso a este tipo de servicios y productos puede ser incluso una razón de que se empiece a apoyar económicamente a un medio. El reto está en llegar a más y nuevas audiencias, más diversas, de segmentos distintos a las que actualmente no apelan por sus investigaciones con textos eruditos largos, porque más bien buscan noticias más populares o formatos más entretenidos (como los videos que son preferidos por la población joven)." (Relación con las audiencias, página 37)
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"The reach of the media outlets researched in this study extends above all to a population with greater purchasing power and educational attainment, who are looking for serious, investigative, quality journalism. This audience likes to feel part of the media outlet, collaborate with it, and have dir
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ect contact with its journalists. They specifically like to participate in dialogue and debates through in-person events and webinars, suggest topics for investigation, receive information by means of personalised newsletters, and have access to podcasts, videos and e-books. Access to this type of service and product may even be a reason to begin lending economic support to a media outlet. The challenge is to reach more and new audiences, of greater diversity and different segments, to whom their current investigations with long, erudite texts do not currently appeal, because they are instead looking for more popular news items or more entertaining formats (such as the videos preferred by the younger population." (Lessons learned, página 18-19)
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"Este artículo forma parte de las investigaciones sobre la concentración de la radio y la televisión en El Salvador y sus efectos en la construcción de lo nacional. Frente a la dependencia cultural, la televisión en El Salvador experimenta cambios en los flujos de su programación. Cada vez exi
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ste una tendencia a incrementar la producción local frente a la internacional; sin embargo, las mediciones de rating demuestran que la concentración de audiencia sigue favoreciendo a las industrias creativas globales en alianzas con las locales. En un escenario de transformaciones de los consumos de la televisión, emerge la necesidad de competir con más horas de producción propia, pero los datos demuestran que las posibilidades de una propuesta con identidad, frente a la foránea, se encuentran en la periferia de las corporaciones nacionales, lo que también pone en evidencia lo que en otros estudios identifican como la falta de políticas públicas para la radio y la televisión." (Resumen)
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"This edition comes at a time when the Caribbean is in the throes of the COVID-19 pandemic which has severely tested the viability and resilience of a wide variety of national and regional institutions. The media industry has not been spared. We have therefore attempted to capture some main elements
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of this challenge even as we present to readers some principal features of Caribbean media and their contribution to public life. This is however not meant to be an exhaustive exposition. It has been researched and written by media practitioners in communion with regional colleagues who have presented their views and impressions on a wide variety of issues." (Foreword)
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"Malawi has seen an exponential growth of its media, both in quality and quantity. For example, there were only two broadcasting stations at the start of the 1990s, while Malawi has increased this over the years to 57 radio stations and 14 television broadcasters. Although the plurality of Malawi’
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s media greatly increased, the functioning of the media has still been affected by arrests of media practitioners, outdated laws and other constraints. This report offers an extensive overview of the status of the media in Malawi, based on an assessment of the UNESCO Media Development Indicators (MDIs). It analyses the legal and regulatory framework, the plurality of the media, safety of journalists and other relevant media development indicators, while at same time providing relevant recommendations for all stakeholders involved. The recommendations cover a large number of issues, some notable ones focused on: the conception of self-regulatory systems; the safeguarding of journalists; the introduction of a code for the regulation of advertisement practices; the reform of outdated laws relating to media practitioners." (Short summary)
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"[...] almost all the media experts interviewed in the study identified “political and legal system,” “public attitude and relationship to media,” and “economic and ownership situation” to be the top three biggest obstacles to news media viability in Ethiopia. In fact, almost four-fifth
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of the respondents voted for “politics” to be ranked the biggest obstacle, while two-third voted for “public attitude and relationship to media,” and half of the experts cited “economic and ownership situation,” to be in the top three viability obstacles in the Ethiopian media environment. Experts understandably identified “political and legal system” as the most constricting challenge to news media institutions in Ethiopia since most of the problems faced by the media, or at least those in news headlines, were with the authorities and the law. However, subsequent scoring of the media viability indicators and aggregation of those scores to drive meaning has crystalized the fact that the most severe media viability challenges to the Ethiopian news media come not from “political and legal system,” or “economic and ownership situation,” but “technological situation of the country” and “general quality of content”. (Conclusion and recommendations, page 43)
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"This book provides a comprehensive approach of the media, journalism and politics in Sub-Saharan Francophone Africa. The author argues that there are common features that the media and journalism share in the seventeen countries of Francophone Africa and these make the local media systems different
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from what they are in neighboring English-speaking African countries, and in the rest of the world. The approach of the media in French-speaking Africa has not only to be “de-Westernized”, but also to step out of general overviews considering “African media." This project shows the historical, political, economic and sociological characteristics of the media systems of seventeen French-speaking countries of Africa." (Publisher description)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"The book traces communication in Nigeria back to pre-colonial indigenous communication, through the development of telecommunication, broadcasting networks, the press, the Nigerian flm industry (‘Nollywood’) and on to the digital era. At a time when Western voices still dominate the academic li
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terature on communication in Africa, this book is noteworthy in drawing almost exclusively on the expertise of Nigeria-based authors, critiquing the discipline from their own lens and providing an important contribution to the decolonisation of communication studies. The authors provide a holistic analysis of the sector, encompassing print journalism, broadcast journalism, public relations, advertising, flm, development communication, organisational communication and strategic communication. Analysis of the role of digital technologies is woven throughout the book, concluding with a fnal section theorising the future of communication studies in Nigeria in light of the digital media revolution." (Publisher description)
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"This article traces how the Afghan cultural, media, and arts sectors have gone through cycles of boom and bust in tandem with the country’s tumultuous history in recent decades, starting with the prewar golden era in the 1960s and 1970s, then focusing on the post-9/11 internationally funded media
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expansion, and finally on the Taliban’s return to power. The current exodus of human talent, due to forced migration, dispossession, and displacement, amounts to a profound cultural loss. But the country has already been transformed by the influence of a period of media freedoms and an emergent public sphere that created space for democratic debate and cosmopolitan cultural expression." (Abstract)
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"L’État peine à protéger les journalistes. Les attaques contre eux sont fréquentes et leurs auteurs sont rarement traduits en justice. Une insécurité qui renforce la précarité des journalistes, par ailleurs peu rémunérés, pas toujours formés, et souvent contraints d’exercer simultan
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ment d’autres activités professionnelles. Cette étude présente des éléments à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs significatifs : Le réseau de la téléphonie mobile se démarque par sa pleine expansion qui, de 6 % en 2006, atteint aujourd’hui près de 95% de la population. De deux chaînes en 1986, la Télé Haïti et la Télévision Nationale d’Haïti (TNH), le pays est passé à environ 150 chaines aujourd’hui. En 2016, l’organe de régulation a recensé 697 stations de radio sur la bande FM dont 350 illégales. Dans le département de l’ouest, le cadran est saturé à hauteur de 158%. De nombreux facteurs concourent à entraver l’accès à l’information de tous les groupes sociaux. L’absence de statut légal place les radios communautaires dans une grande précarité. Des organisations de la société civile travaillent activement à rendre visible les groupes marginalisés et à élargir leur accès à l’information." (Résumé exécutif)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Afghanistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in developmen
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t work, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing1) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction, page 4)
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"In the mid-1990s, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan for the first time. They banned photography, TV, music, and all forms of entertainment. Soon after, the Taliban banned the internet in early 2001, and then-Foreign Minister Mawlavi Wakil Ahmad Muttawakil famously stated, “We want to establ
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ish a system in Afghanistan through which we can control all those things that are wrong, obscene, immoral, and against Islam.”
After being dislodged from Afghanistan following the 2001 U.S. intervention, however, the Taliban’s approach to media changed dramatically. Over the course of the movement’s two-decade insurgency, the Taliban developed a complex media strategy that contributed significantly to its rapid military advance and takeover of Afghanistan by August 2021. Since then, their media strategy has shifted again as the movement attempts to transition from insurgency to a governing body. As such, the Taliban’s current strategy builds on the ideological foundation from the 1990s combined with a continuation of certain tactics and approaches adopted during two decades of insurgency. This article divides the Taliban’s media strategy into three phases accordingly: the movement’s first period of rule from 1996 to 2001, the 2001-2021 insurgency, and their return to power following the fall of Kabul in August 2021. It discusses each phases’ distinct characteristics, shared aspects with other phases, and what the evolution in the Taliban’s media strategy reveals about the future trajectory of the information environment in Afghanistan." (Page 1)
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"The research data reveal that Sudan at the time had at least 10 media-related laws in place that do not meet international standards. At the same time, the country had the benefit of an infrastructure of 30 institutions offering media education and training. Sudan has an opportunity to restructure
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its media system to align with international standards on freedom of expression and the press, the safety of journalists, as well as pluralism. To support this, the current report has formulated recommendations for stakeholders’ consideration. These possibilities for reform cover independent media regulation, the promotion of media pluralism and the improvement of the economic playing field." (Short summary)
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