"The purpose of this study is twofold: to understand how the Lebanese public consumes news published on traditional and alternative media, with a focus on how they perceive and deal with disinformation campaigns and fake news, and to build a comprehensive view of the organizations and initiatives th
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at are working on mis/disinformation in Lebanon since 2019. Understanding the media landscape and media consumption in Lebanon will inform future interventions on disinformation. The first part of the report examines the media landscape vis-à-vis the legal framework that governs broadcast and print media. It also offers a glimpse of news consumption behaviors in Lebanese society and discusses disinformation narratives that emerged around major events that have occurred in the last three years. The report will showcase how disinformation thrives in critical moments and provide analysis on the different factors that contribute to the surge in disinformation. The second part of the report presents the findings from the mapping that the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKF) conducted on initiatives and organizations that target mis/disinformation in Lebanon. This section also provides an assessment of some projects that were implemented in the last three years." (Executive summary)
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"This report provides an assessment of the media landscape in Jordan from the perspective of its audiences. Based on audience research, it examines the key issues emerging around media usage, trust, content, and literacy. It is based on data that was collected throughout June and July 2023; the medi
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a landscape may have changed since the war in Gaza began." (Abstract)
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"Ein Überblick über die russische Medienlandschaft und wie sie sich seit dem Beginn des russischenAngriffskriegs auf die gesamte Ukraine verändert hat – in zehn Fragen und Antworten." (Einführung)
"[...] a roundtable on media sustainability was organised in collaboration with several stakeholders in the sector, to propose concrete policy recommendations to ensure the sustainability of media organisations. The roundtable brought together local media representatives, media development organisat
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ions, academics and donor representatives to discuss ways to improve the enabling environment for media sustainability in Tunisia. Discussions focused on topics such as viable business models for independent media, professional ethics and self-regulation, press freedom and the role of big technology. During the roundtables, five key recommendations were made to improve the media industry. The first recommendation is to structure the media market by collecting data, reforming public policies, regulating economically and rebuilding trust with the public. The second recommendation is to structure the advertising market by better measuring the audience, reassessing the advertising value chain, reconsidering the relationship between media and advertisers and reusing public advertising as the first lever. The third recommendation is to support digital transformation by helping existing media to digitally transform and platform, as well as by supporting the implementation of technological infrastructures. The fourth recommendation is to align donor funding with local issues to ensure that the media support the interests of their local community. Finally, the fifth recommendation is to increase skills on economic and managerial issues, in particular to media management and the challenge of existing business models." (Executive summary)
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"Based on fieldwork conducted in Iran, this book discusses how it is possible for journalism to exist and function in a restrictive context. The book brings together a range of structural (macro), organizational (meso), and individual (micro) processes to analyse journalistic practice in a political
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ly restrictive setting, a context thus far dominated by structural explanations. Using Pierre Bourdieu's work as a starting point, Banafsheh Ranji develops an explanatory framework for how Iranian journalists navigate the daily "minefield" of their professional environment. The analysis sheds light on the everyday reality of journalism in Iran, addressing factors that hinder journalists' work while also showing how journalists use a set of double game strategies to simultaneously circumvent constraints and avoid retaliation. Moving beyond notions of censorship and repression that accompany discussions of journalism in such settings, the book instead focuses on how we may think of critical journalism, professionalism, and journalistic power, agency, and autonomy, in restrictive contexts." (Publisher description)
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"In this study we identify and elaborate at least six components of the digital media ecosystem: (1) content creators and distributors; (2) consumers/users; (3) monetization channels; (4) advertising networks, (5) data analytics and insights and (6) social media, streaming and e-commerce platforms.
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Qualitative findings have revealed four major traits of the digital media ecosystem in Western Balkans: (1) market underdevelopment (the market significantly lags behind the developed countries); (2) financial constraints (media outlets are not resourceful enough and lack funding to use advanced services digital media ecosystem offers); (3) media dynamics and technological uptake (traditional media outlets recognize the opportunity in digital media and mostly possess digital channels as secondary screens to their main formats, with larger media also utilizing the opportunities of YouTube and podcast format); (4) driven by donors or media outside of WB (independent media outlets are mainly driven by donors and external investments. Furthermore, the main reasons for slower progress in the media landscape and with media outlets in Western Balkans are identified in the study, namely: (1) economic challenges, (2) lack of infrastructure, (3) regulatory environment, (3) media ownership and control, (4) lack of training and skills and (5) monetization challenges. Each of these reasons are elaborated, with the support of arguments from the primary study.
Comprehensive maps of media outlets and IT companies in the Western Balkans are created, with detailed lists of both categories provided. Here, it can be concluded that there are plenty of actors in both sectors as well as the sector is growing. The study further groups media outlets into three main categories, taking the level of digital transformation and technology adoption: (1) advanced media outlets, (2) media outlets undergoing transformation, and (3) traditional media outlets. In terms of IT companies, and general in the IT sector, which is very prolific in the region, the study selected ones that demonstrate innovativeness and an advanced assortment of services and products, positioning them as potential collaborators for media outlets seeking to improve their digital presence, engagement strategies, and content delivery mechanisms." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"Ghana has made tremendous progress regarding freedom of expression and access to information since the inception of the Fourth Republic. Looking back to a firmly rooted history of democratic practice, the country has a vibrant and free media environment regulated by an independent body and supporte
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d by a strong civil society sector. The constitution includes legal protection for journalists against censorship and violence. However, the report expresses concern over a growing sense of insecurity among journalists regarding their safety, an increasing media concentration and commercial imperatives that may pose a threat to media freedoms and pluralism in Ghana. Media practitioners, government officials, media stakeholders, civil society organizations and researchers are invited to implement the context-specific recommendations that the report formulates in order to improve the state of the media in Ghana." (Short summary)
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"Rather than viewing the Middle East as a monolithic culture, this Handbook examines the diverse and multi-local characteristics of the region’s knowledge production, dynamic media, and rich cultures. It addresses a wide range of topics, including the evolving mainstream and alternative media, com
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peting histories in the region, and pressing socio-economic and media debates. Additionally, the Handbook explores the impact of regional and international politics on Middle Eastern cultures and media." (Publisher description)
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"Central Asian post-independence media and communication industries, professional practices, education, persisting and evolving values, and traditions remain critically understudied with a notable scarcity of research and scholarly publications on the complex and increasingly changing communicative
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ecology landscape of this region. Mapping the Media and Communication Landscape of Central Asia: An Anthology of Emerging and Contemporary Issues addresses this gap in literature by exploring, analyzing, and shedding light to the field, practice, research and critical inquiry of media and mass communication in four countries in Central Asia—Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. This book includes local authors as well as new and emerging researchers from this region to contextualize the issues explored and provide a supportive dialogue between different points of view." (Publisher description)
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"On the surface, Namibia’s stellar reputation as the beacon of media freedom remains intact, but the role of the Fourth Estate in speaking truth to power is gradually being eroded as state officials become increasingly intolerant of the media in Namibia. The perceptible decline in the media landsc
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ape is evidenced by the intimidatory tactics the state has been using to discourage journalists from reporting on certain issues [...] Namibia’s legal and policy framework offers strong protection for freedom of expression and media freedom through Article 21 of the constitution. This is further bolstered by Article 144 of the constitution on international law, which automatically incorporates regional and international protocols, agreements and treaties signed and ratified by the Namibian government into the domestic legal system. However, commitment to the notions contained in these regional and international protocols and conventions seems to be solely on paper ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"Against the backdrop of a highly precarious situation for journalists, a severe economic crisis is unfolding within Afghan media houses, according to a survey on the current state of the media sector in Afghanistan conducted by DW Akademie and partner organizations. Data were collected in February
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2022. 175 Afghan media professionals responded anonymously to an online survey. The results cast new light on the far-reaching changes within the sector. Half a year after the Taliban took power, most Afghan media houses are facing collapse." (Introduction)
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"President Saied’s moves to undermine constitutional governance and Tunisia’s parliament pose a major challenge for further media reforms. Yet, should the political environment prove enabling, foreign donors, media assistance organizations, and other stakeholders should prioritize working with l
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ocal stakeholders to find ways to navigate Tunisia’s chaotic media regulatory environment. One focus of this effort should be on stabilizing and strengthening broadcast regulation." (Recommendations, page 7)
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"Das Buch besteht aus zwei Teilen. Der erste enthält Stichwortartikel zu den Themenbereichen Presse, Radio, Fernsehen, Online-Medien, Agenturen und Medien im Allgemeinen. Im zweiten Teil werden Datentabellen und Grafiken präsentiert, die sich vor allem auf das Jahr 2015 beziehen. Dabei werden sowo
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hl Unterschiede als auch Gemeinsamkeiten der beiden Medienkulturen deutlich. Alle Beiträge wurden – großenteils gemeinsam – von Autorinnen und Autoren beider Seiten verfasst und werden in deutscher und in russischer Sprache gegenübergestellt: ein Ergebnis der langjährigen Zusammenarbeit von Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern aus den Journalistik-Abteilungen der Technischen Universität Dortmund und der Südlichen Föderalen Universität in Rostov am Don." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"[...] Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has imposed a new media control regime, which has three key features: restriction, gender-discrimination, and repression with impunity. First, the Taliban has passed several media policies, imposing extreme constraints on press freedom and
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media rights. Any sort of critical reporting on topics related to the government or the public is banned. The Taliban regulate the content of publications and broadcasts, imposing broad, vaguely worded prohibitions. For example, under the new regulations, media content that contradicts “Islamic values,” “Afghan values,” and “public interest” is prohibited. No operational definitions have been provided for these terms, nor an objective standard for assessing and determining breach. This has caused uncertainty and confusion about what the media can and cannot publish and broadcast, often resulting in precautionary media self-censorship. The new rules also give the Taliban sweeping powers to directly control the media and news output, barring broadcast and publication of matters and content that has not been officially sanctioned by Taliban official/s. These restrictions and interferences limit the right and ability of the Afghan media to seek, receive and impart information freely and independently.
Second, the Taliban has passed policies specifically targeting Afghan women in the media. These restrictions give the Taliban control over women’s attire and the nature and scope of their involvement in the media, restraining their freedom of expression and movement, as well as their ability to perform their tasks effectively. The general travel restrictions on women and girls make it almost impossible for women to work, in particular, limiting the ability of female journalists from gathering information or contributing to field reporting. The Taliban’s antiwomen media policies and practices are aimed towards excluding Afghan women from the media and public life.
Third, the Taliban treats the Afghan media and media-related affairs as a security threat. The Taliban security and intelligence agencies are increasingly involved in controlling media affairs. Taliban operatives use repressive measures against members of the Afghan media in claiming to enforce the new regulations. Afghan journalists and other members of the media have been subjected to heavy surveillance, intimidation, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Cases of beatings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings have also taken place." (Executive summary, pages 1-2)
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"Esta Guía del Panorama de los Medios brinda una instantánea de los medios en Colombia, incluidas las audiencias, los productores, las preferencias de los diferentes grupos de la comunidad, la cultura de las comunicaciones y los idiomas asociados con los medios. Da una idea del papel de los medios
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en el trabajo de desarrollo, el alistamiento para crisis, los desastres recientes y (al momento de escribir este artículo) respuesta continua al COVID-19. La guía también brinda una descripción general de cada sector de los medios, incluidos los medios digitales y sociales, la radio, la televisión, la prensa y otras formas tradicionales de comunicación masiva. Cabe señalar que, dada la naturaleza en constante cambio del panorama de los medios, esta no es una descripción general completa de todos los medios y plataformas, sino más bien un resumen instantáneo de los más relevantes en el momento de escribir este artículo." (Introduccíon)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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"Using the coup as a vantage point, interviewees for this report were asked to reflect on three main questions: What have we learned about past media reform efforts? With hindsight, what are the legacies, best practices, and lessons learned? With a view to the future, what does the media’s respons
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e to the coup teach us about reform and resilience? One of the important lessons their collective reflections and analysis show is that over the past decade the media assistance approach in Burma should have been more strategic, nuanced, grassroots driven, flexible, and inclusive, with a greater focus on opportunities to support local initiatives, coalitions, and actors. Other important lessons learned concern risks and security, including the importance of digital security literacy and mechanisms, as well as building widespread capacity in volatile contexts with greater risk of repression." (Conclusion)
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