"Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996–2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government.
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Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Since the two decades of war after 9/11, media have still been maintaining its responsibility in Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists." (Abstract)
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"Although some planned reforms announced since 2017 concerning the rights to freedom of expression and others are yet to be finalized, the report finds that the media environment has improved considerably since the new government came into power. In the context of a rising internet penetration rate,
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reportedly from 17% in 2015 to 51% in 2022, direct censorship of the internet has ceased and online information is better accessible. Journalists generally rate their current situation as relatively safe. Public trust in the media has generally improved since the new democratic dispensation. Although there is a slow pace of legal reform, there is however cautious optimism about government’s commitment to repeal laws inherited from the previous regime." (Short summary)
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"Este libro se lee con mucha facilidad y nos describe con gran amplitud y rigurosidad investigativa ese paisaje mediático de la ciudad, donde conviven la expresión pública, la comercial y la comunitaria. Es un texto que nos cuenta que la radio sigue vigente y muy presente en la vida de la gente,
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pero igualmente advierte que ella existirá y será más fuerte mientras hable menos y escuche más a su audiencia." (Óscar Pérez, Página 6)
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"Media systems have changed significantly as a result of the development of information technologies. However, typologies of media systems that incorporate aspects of digitalization are rare. This study fills this gap by identifying, operationalizing, and measuring indicators of media systems in the
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digital age. We build on previous work, extend it with new indicators that reflect changing conditions (such as online news use), and include media freedom indicators. We include 30 countries in our study and use cluster analysis to identify three clusters of media systems. Two of these clusters correspond to the media system models described by Hallin and Mancini, namely the democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist model. However, the liberal model as described by Hallin and Mancini has vanished; instead, we find empirical evidence of a new cluster that we call “hybrid”: it is positioned in between the poles of the media-supportive democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist clusters." (Abstract)
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"We find that there is a will for reform from the civilian part of the government, the international community, independent media professionals, and a handful of Sudanese CSOs. However, pushing for a free media is a low priority for most of the population, who have more urgent survival and security
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needs. Furthermore, the military/Islamist wing of the transitional government seems to want to control, not free, the media." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"The media reform process in Ethiopia’s political transition has made significant improvements to the policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks. If institutionalized and implemented with robust stakeholder engagement, the reform could help build a sustainable, vibrant, independent, and viable media
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business environment essential to democratic consolidation. The task, however daunting, has shown the resolve of state and nonstate actors to work collaboratively in spite of staunch differences to reach compromised solutions and build consensus on important media reform issues. That volunteer legal and media experts have spearheaded a participatory legislative and regulatory reform process will help instill a democratic culture, which would be instrumental in operationalizing a sector-wide self-regulatory mechanism and capacity-building efforts to professionalize the sector. Ethiopia’s political transition has been rather bumpy and full of crises that have threatened progress—a situation that should be expected to continue into the future." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"There are stark lessons to be learnt from this assessment: Social media has become the main source of news and information for majority of Kenyans, even though it suffers the greatest trust deficit. Radio remains highly important, while television is the most trusted source of information and newsp
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aper circulation and readership continue to decline — even though newspapers have the highest quality content. The study also found that self-censorship is rife; media sustainability remains a key concern and media freedom has been deteriorating since 2017. To improve media performance in Kenya, three key gaps were identified for plugging. These are skills gaps (the knowledge media personnel need to perform their work effectively); resource shortages (the resources media entities need to execute their mandate); and policy gaps (an enabling environment for the media to thrive)." (Publisher description)
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"This Handbook provides the first comprehensive reference book in English about the development of mass and social media in all Arab countries. Capturing the historical as well as current developments in the media scene, this collection maps the role of media in social and political movements. Contr
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ibutors include specialists in the field from North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the history, regulatory frameworks and laws governing the press, and socio-political functions of the media. While the geopolitical complexities of the region have been reflected in the expert analyses collectively, the focus is always the local context of each member state. All 37 chapters consider the specific historical, political and media trajectories in each country, to provide a contextual background and foundation for further study about single states or comparative analysis in two or more Arab states." (Publisher description)
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"Written just prior to the Taliban's rapid takeover of Afghanistan, this new report from Shorenstein Center Fellow Samiullah Mahdi provides an overview of the media landscape in Afghanistan, and the threats to and opportunities for press freedom in the region." (Introduction)
"Uruguay es el primer país del Cono Sur de América Latina en realizar una evaluación integral de su paisaje mediático utilizando los Indicadores de Desarrollo Mediatico (IDMs) de la UNESCO. Y, lo que es único de este ejercicio, es que todas las facultades de comunicación del país colaboraron
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en el proceso de investigación, en alianza con la Oficina Regional de Ciencias de la UNESCO para América Latina y el Caribe. El resultado es un informe que evalúa el nivel de desarrollo de los medios de comunicación públicos, privados y comunitarios, y proporciona un exhaustivo análisis del panorama mediático del país, ya sea de su marco legislativo como de su pluralidad y diversidad de medios. Si la UNESCO reedita en 2021 este estudio llevado a cabo entre 2014 y 2017 es por su utilidad en el examen del cumplimiento de las leyes, actuales o futuras, con estándares internacionales en materia de libertad de expresión, ofrenciendo una hoja de ruta para futuras reformas de legislación de medios." (Reverso)
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"The book goes beyond critiques of the marginality of African approaches in media and communication studies to offer scholars the theoretical and empirical toolkit needed to start building critical corpora of African scholarship and theory that places the everyday worlds, needs and uses of Africans
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first. Decoloniality demands new epistemological interventions in African media, culture and communication, and this book is an important interlocutor in this space. In a globally interconnected world, changing patterns of authority and power pose new challenges to the ways in which media institutions are constituted and managed, as well as how communication and media policy is negotiated and the manner in which citizens engage with increasing media opportunities. The handbook focuses on the interrelationships of the local and the global and the concomitant consequences for media practice, education and citizen engagement in today’s Africa." (Publisher description)
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"With over 309 licensed radio stations, numerous public and private TV stations, and rapid growth in internet accessibility and usage, the media landscape in Uganda is dynamic, diverse, and rapidly evolving. Ugandans across the country from rural villages to urban centers are presented increasingly
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with more channels to meet their wide-ranging information needs. While radio remains the dominant medium of information for both women and men across Uganda, there remains enormous divides across the country that fuel unequal access to information and media consumption behaviors. The media sector is further challenged by poorly skilled media professionals, low quality journalism, a complex regulatory environment that is often not understood by media professionals and broadcasters, and high levels of self-censorship. The COVID-19 pandemic has both cemented the media’s position as an essential service provider, as well as challenged the sector, affecting advertising revenue, employment, the quality and quantity of content production, and the ability to meet the information needs of their audiences." (Publisher description)
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"Pour le peuple vili en République du Congo-Brazzaville, comme ailleurs en Afrique subsaharienne, la communication orale était de mise. L’oralité avait son importance surtout au Muanze, sorte d’institution de vie communautaire. De nos jours, en Afrique en général et en milieu vili en partic
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ulier, la parole traditionnelle a laissé le pas à la parole de la radio, de la télévision et des réseaux sociaux. Ces moyens modernes d’information obligent les Africains à appréhender autrement leurs modes de communication et de contact avec autrui. L’Église souhaite être au rendez-vous de cette nouvelle culture et s’intéresse activement aux médias modernes. Toutes les Églises en Afrique vont à leur tour revendiquer le droit d’accéder à ces moyens de communication. D’autant plus que ces médias peuvent être aussi des lieux de l’école de la démocratie et de la liberté des peuples, et pourquoi pas d’évangélisation ? Tout en respectant les normes établies par les États, les Églises en Afrique luttent pour leur intégration médiatique et pour des médias vecteurs d’état de droit et de démocratie. Cet ouvrage est issu d’une thèse soutenue à Strasbourg dans le cadre de la Communication Traditionnelle et Moderne." (Dos de couverture)
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"The media sector in Moldova is diverse. Dogged investigative reporting plays a vital role in public life. However, the legal framework governing the sector is unstable and underdeveloped. In 2020, much of the country’s political class treated the independent press with hostility, viewing journali
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sts as obstacles to rather than partners in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial sustainability continues to elude the sector. Many outlets are captured by and serve as mouthpieces for political interests, and the fallout of the pandemic has exacerbated the precarity experienced by the independent press." (Executive summary)
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"This Information Ecosystem Assessment documents how information around the COVID-19 pandemic is produced, consumed, and shared in Sudan contributing to the existence of multiple and overlapping information sub-systems within the supply side of the broader ecosystem. The findings show how the centra
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lization of news production, as well as power and resources, leads to the development of these sometimes-competing subsystems. This is evident through data collected from marginalized groups, such as displaced communities (refugees, IDPs, migrants) and those in communities that host them, who are not targeted by official supply mechanisms of information." (Executive summary)
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"A significant number of the surveyed citizens consider the media in Serbia under the control of political groups at both ends of the spectrum. At the same time, many of the surveyed citizens think that the media is free to collect and publish information on all the relevant issues. These findings r
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eflect the media reality in Serbia: after twenty years of reforms, the country has managed to create a system in which the freedom of the media implies (only) that our media freely report on issues relevant to the option whose interests they represent. Both the media workers in the focus group and the surveyed citizens agree that propaganda and hatred are ubiquitous in the media. The media instrumentalizes hatred based on gender, national and other stereotypes in order to realize the particular interests of the groups to which they are loyal for ideological or financial reasons. But as the media workers warn, the media is also abusing the hatred rooted in society to increase circulation, viewership, or reach, and again, in the end, to make a profit. The position of women journalists in Serbia is especially difficult. As many as 95% of the surveyed citizens agree that women journalists are exposed to attacks, threats, insults and harassment because they do their job well. The journalists and editors in the focus group do not see gender prejudices and stereotypes as a cause of attacks but rather as a tool to discredit female journalists. Not their work—because that is difficult to discredit—but rather female journalists personally, where attacks are dominated by discourse strategies stemming from classic misogyny." (Conclusion, page 25)
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