"Social media misinformation is widely recognized as a significant and growing global problem. Yet, little is known about how misinformation spreads across broader media ecosystems, particularly in areas with varying internet access and connectivity. Drawing on research in northern Ghana, we seek to... address this gap. We argue that ‘pavement media’—the everyday communication of current affairs through discussions in marketplaces, places of worship, bars, and the like and through a range of non-conversational and visual practices such as songs, sermons, and graffiti—is a key link in a broader media ecosystem. Vibrant pavement and traditional media allow for information from social media to quickly cross into offline spaces, creating a distinction not of the connected and disconnected but of first-hand and indirect social media users. This paper sets out how social, traditional, and pavement media form a complex and deeply gendered and socio-economically stratified media ecosystem and investigates its implications for how citizens differentially encounter, process, and respond to misinformation. Based on the findings, we argue that efforts intended to combat the spread of misinformation need to move beyond the Western-centred conception of what constitutes media and take different local modalities of media access and fact-checking into account." (Abstract)
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"The right to privacy has come under increased attack in many African countries, with the proliferation of digital technologies being matched by state measures that negate this right. In the past few years, many countries across the continent have enacted various laws that permit surveillance, manda...te telecommunication intermediaries to facilitate the interception of communication, stipulate the mandatory collection of biometric data, limit the use of encryption, require the localisation of personal data, and grant law enforcement agents broad search and seizure powers. This report therefore maps and analyses the laws and policies that impact on privacy, notably those that regulate surveillance, limitations on encryption, data localisation, and biometric databases. This analysis could inform remedial and mitigatory steps to protect the right to privacy, which may include strategic litigation and advocacy for legislative and policy reforms. Moreover, the results of this analysis are also crucial for monitoring developments and trends on privacy regulation and practice in the region." (Introduction, p.5-6)
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"Digital infrastructure increasingly enables the extraction, exploitation, processing and analysis of personal and behavioural data. Data analytics have not just become the core of the digital economy but also constitute a growing feature of the public sector. Wide areas of public administration are... now based on, or at least informed by, the aggregation of data for the purpose of profiling, categorising, sorting, rating, ranking and segmenting populations, and then treating them distinctly. Scoring systems and other forms of predictive analytics are prime means to assess citizens yet these systems are applied mostly without the knowledge of those being analysed and the exact mechanisms of data analytics remain obscure. Citizens are classified according to criteria that are not transparent, with consequences they do not know about, and without an open way of redress. As citizens are continuously profiled and evaluated, there is a power shift from citizens to the state. All this raises fundamental questions regarding the quality of democracy in a context of datafied administration and governance. Whereas a democracy requires that the people adopt the role of the sovereign, in a datafied society this sovereign does not have much knowledge, understanding, or say in how it is treated. Key questions arise: What are avenues for people to participate in decisions about the use of predictive analytics by public institutions? How can they intervene into an increasingly automated state? How can the datafied society be democratised? To investigate these questions, this report addresses six themes: 1. Institutional dynamics; 2. Initiatives of civic engagement; 3. Oversight and advisory bodies; 4. Civil society strategies; 5. Alternative Imaginaries and Infrastructures; 6. Data literacy." (Executive summary)
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"Controversy Mapping is the first book to introduce readers to the observation and representation of contested issues on digital media. Drawing on actor-network theory and digital methods, Venturini and Munk outline the conceptual underpinnings and the many tools and techniques of controversy mappin...g. They review its history in science and technology studies, discuss its methodological potential, and unfold its political implications. Through a range of cases and examples, they demonstrate how to chart actors and issues using digital fieldwork and computational techniques." (Back cover)
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"Multifaceted, uncensored, promoting democracy - that is the internet, many people had long hoped. But from today's perspective, this is not true - or only partially. Because the big digital platforms and the world wide web are both: media of freedom and control. In many places, they support civil s...ociety, but often they also pose a massive threat to it. On the one hand, civil society organisations, activists and bloggers use digital tools to organise their work and make it more efficient: Through them, they disseminate reports and campaigns and exchange information. On the other hand, governments restrict freedom of expression and the press through online censorship: They block access to certain websites or platforms or shut down the internet entirely and monitor activists and journalists with digital technologies, often made in Europe. Policymakers, platforms and civil society face major challenges: They have to negotiate and decide how to deal with hate on the web and in social media without compromising freedom of expression. How more people, especially in the Global South, can get better access to the internet. And, how the data collection frenzy of the big tech companies and the dangers posed to democracy by Facebook & Co can be contained. Civil society voices call for more human rights based regulation and containment of digital capitalism." (Summary, p.6)
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"The first component of UNESCO’s action in Mongolia under the MDP therefore aimed at promoting the recognition of community media in the national legal framework. During the reporting period, UNESCO has also been working to improve the technical and editorial capacities of managers, staff and volu...nteers of nine community radio stations in Mongolia, with particular emphasis on digital broadcasting, including through various trainings. Finally, UNESCO has supported the association of community radio stations in Mongolia: CRAMO (Community Radio Association of Mongolia), which allows better sharing of resources, technical means and skills between its members." (p.1)
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"From 2018 to 2021, the implementation of the MDP has been significant for the community media sector of Nepal. UNESCO has led continuous multi-stakeholder dialogue towards an improved framework for community media sustainability. This included the endorsement of the definition of community broadcas...ting, the allocation of frequencies, ensuring ownership and participation of community members in radio stations, the establishment of an independent regulatory agency for media, and setting up an independent fund for the development of the broadcasting sector, with the aim of securing the government’s consideration. Duty bearers from federal, provincial, and local levels have themselves now become the advocates of community media friendly policy and a Mass Media Bill, currently under revision at the Ministry of Law and Justice, defines for the first time community radio and includes provisions for community radio operations." (p.1)
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"Wars in films are […] always more than just the staging or presentation of a historical event; they offer an interpretation of these events that usually corresponds with other aspects, e. g. society's evaluation of war per se, or wishes about how specific events related to war should be commemora...ted within the public conscience. Of course, films can also act as a medium to criticize war, but the functionality of the filmic stagings of collective violence is usually determined by the interaction between producers and the audience of the film.The following chapters try to provide a variety of insights into these relationships, and although they focus on different time periods and aspects related to the semiotics, narratives, and perceptions of war in film, they all circle around certain questions related to war films in general. These are:1. To what extent do war films present historical events that are already socio-culturally embedded within national narratives, and to what extent do their semiotics support or challenge common views about wars and collective violence?2. Which conscious or subconscious images or visual semiotics are used within war films to connect the audience to the film and its narrative?3. How do films create, transport, or intensify the perception and interpretation of wars within societies?To answer these, each of the contributions of the present volume engages with specific war films and connects their respective war-related motifs and narratives with these questions." (Introduction, 7-11)
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"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete...d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher)
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"Media development assistance and media systems research are intricately connected: by describing, assessing, and attempting to change them, media development actors produce knowledge about media systems and directly impact them. This research review explores the intersections of academic media syst...ems research and practices of describing and assessing media landscapes in the media development sector and suggests how both could learn from each other. In what follows, the most important publications on media systems since the Cold War era will be reviewed, tracing the ongoing process of refining concepts and definitions. Alongside a geographical broadening of the research scope, models as well as methodological approaches have been questioned and reinvented. The review places a special focus on the peculiarities of researching media systems in sub-Saharan Africa. Referring to academic as well as grey literature, it suggests points of departure for meaningfully linking academic knowledge and practitioners’ knowledge about media systems, concluding with recommendations for informed practice." (Abstract)
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"Die Ausbeutung natürlicher Ressourcen und Infrastrukturprojekte bedrohen die Lebensgrundlagen indigener Bevölkerungen in vielen Staaten Lateinamerikas. Wie der Konflikt um das Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) zeigt, stellte Bolivien während der Amtszeiten des ersten ...indigenen Präsidenten des Landes Evo Morales (2006-2019) keine Ausnahme dar. Bei diesem Konflikt stieß ein staatliches Straßenbauprojekt, das mitten durch das Schutzgebiet im bolivianischen Amazonas-Tiefland führen sollte, auf großen Widerstand. Unterschiedliche Akteur*innen aus Indigenenorganisationen, Zivilgesellschaft und der katholischen Kirche formierten sich in der sozialen TIPNIS-Bewegung und mobilisierten gegen das Projekt und dessen Auswirkungen. Diese Arbeit erklärt den Widerstand aus Sicht der selbstbezeichneten Verteidiger*innen des Territoriums. Dazu stützt sie sich auf den theoretischen Framing-Ansatz, der den Blick auf die Bedeutungskonstruktionen (Framings) der Akteur*innen lenkt. In einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse wurden die Daten von 52 semistrukturierten Interviews ausgewertet und zentrale übergreifende Deutungsmuster (Masterframes) der heterogenen Akteursgruppe identifiziert, die sich aus Diagnosen, Prognosen und Motivationen zusammensetzen. Dadurch ist es möglich, den Widerstand der sozialen TIPNIS-Bewegung, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Konfliktphase von 2017 bis 2019, in seinen komplexen Erscheinungsformen zu verstehen: Als Kampf um Legitimität in einer Situation der Fragmentierung und Spaltung der Indigenenorganisationen, als Versicherheitlichung (securitization) des Konflikts angesichts sozio-ökologischer Bedrohungen, als Anfechtung des staatlichen neoextraktiven Entwicklungsmodells sowie als Forderung nach einer Umsetzung der Menschenrechte, indigenen Kollektivrechte und der Rechte der Natur." (Abstract)
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"The research data reveal that Sudan at the time had at least 10 media-related laws in place that do not meet international standards. At the same time, the country had the benefit of an infrastructure of 30 institutions offering media education and training. Sudan has an opportunity to restructure ...its media system to align with international standards on freedom of expression and the press, the safety of journalists, as well as pluralism. To support this, the current report has formulated recommendations for stakeholders’ consideration. These possibilities for reform cover independent media regulation, the promotion of media pluralism and the improvement of the economic playing field." (Short summary)
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"Malawi has seen an exponential growth of its media, both in quality and quantity. For example, there were only two broadcasting stations at the start of the 1990s, while Malawi has increased this over the years to 57 radio stations and 14 television broadcasters. Although the plurality of Malawi’...s media greatly increased, the functioning of the media has still been affected by arrests of media practitioners, outdated laws and other constraints. This report offers an extensive overview of the status of the media in Malawi, based on an assessment of the UNESCO Media Development Indicators (MDIs). It analyses the legal and regulatory framework, the plurality of the media, safety of journalists and other relevant media development indicators, while at same time providing relevant recommendations for all stakeholders involved. The recommendations cover a large number of issues, some notable ones focused on: the conception of self-regulatory systems; the safeguarding of journalists; the introduction of a code for the regulation of advertisement practices; the reform of outdated laws relating to media practitioners." (Short summary)
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"Although some planned reforms announced since 2017 concerning the rights to freedom of expression and others are yet to be finalized, the report finds that the media environment has improved considerably since the new government came into power. In the context of a rising internet penetration rate,... reportedly from 17% in 2015 to 51% in 2022, direct censorship of the internet has ceased and online information is better accessible. Journalists generally rate their current situation as relatively safe. Public trust in the media has generally improved since the new democratic dispensation. Although there is a slow pace of legal reform, there is however cautious optimism about government’s commitment to repeal laws inherited from the previous regime." (Short summary)
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"1. Government should implement the Access to Information Act 2016 speedily and fully. This would help realize the Right of Access to Information and promote a culture of transparency, openness and accountability among public officials.2. The Information and Communications Act should be revised ...to ensure that the Communications Authority is truly independent from government, following the guidelines set out by Principle 17 of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa.3. The Books and Newspapers Act of 1960 should be revised and registration of publications should be allowed for administrative purposes only.4. The regulation issued by the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB) for licences to be required for anyone uploading videos on social media should not be approved.5. The Information and Communications (Amendment) Bill, which provides for the obligation to license social media platforms and blogs and heavy fines for offenders, should be withdrawn.6. Measures to prevent concentration within and between different media sectors should be strengthened, and transparency of ownership should be ensured in media legislation.7. The government should provide a conducive atmosphere in which community radio can thrive. Donor organizations and government both at national and county level should work together to establish a support fund for community radio." (Key recommendations, p.15)
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"On the surface, Namibia’s stellar reputation as the beacon of media freedom remains intact, but the role of the Fourth Estate in speaking truth to power is gradually being eroded as state officials become increasingly intolerant of the media in Namibia. The perceptible decline in the media landsc...ape is evidenced by the intimidatory tactics the state has been using to discourage journalists from reporting on certain issues ... Namibia’s legal and policy framework offers strong protection for freedom of expression and media freedom through Article 21 of the constitution. This is further bolstered by Article 144 of the constitution on international law, which automatically incorporates regional and international protocols, agreements and treaties signed and ratified by the Namibian government into the domestic legal system. However, commitment to the notions contained in these regional and international protocols and conventions seems to be solely on paper ..." (Summary, p.5)
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"There are unfortunately all too many examples of media outlets not only undermining transitional justice proceedings, as in the case of Peru, but exacerbating the violence that preceded it. In Rwanda, for instance, the local media was a major instigator of violence, often encouraging everyday Hutus... to injure or kill their Tutsi neighbors, while international media largely turned the other way. Alongside these examples, however, are case studies from South Africa and Guatemala, where the media can be rightly credited with having made complicated processes more accessible to large audiences and amplifying survivors’ stories. These varying outcomes speak to an important tenet of GIJTR: that every community must be met where they are at. There is no one size fits all approach to ensuring that media will necessarily offer an inclusive portrait of victims or even an impartial one. Much depends on a range of factors in any particular context, including social customs, whether or not media is state-controlled, or if there is a general acceptance of free speech." (Summary)
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" ... new legislation has been introduced that could have a detrimental effect on freedom of expression and access to information. This includes a “fake news” bill that was approved by the Senate in June 2020 and allows for the criminalization of certain online content, creates identification re...quirements for online platforms account holders, and obliges private-messaging apps to retain communications. In May 2021, a new bill replacing the National Security Act was introduced, which contains provisions criminalizing “mass misleading communication”, and lacks protection measures for investigative journalists. Brazil was therefore added as a target country under the MDP in October 2021 with the aim of enhancing the safety of journalists, building on past experiences in supporting media in the region. Actions notably build on support to ABRAJI from the Global Media Defence Fund, through which ABRAJI is developing a local mechanism to monitor and report on gender-based violence against women journalists. These first few months under the MDP served as an inception phase, during which planning advanced for activities in 2022 and 2023. Future actions will be aligned with the Hague Commitment to Increase the Safety of Journalists, to which Brazil is a signatory, and will come to reinforce the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity." (p.2)
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"A decade after the beginning of the civil war, Syria remains among the most dangerous environments for journalists and media workers. Between 2011 and 2021, UNESCO’s Observatory recorded 113 killings of journalists. In its 2021 report, covering the years between 2011 and 2020, the Syrian Center f...or Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM) recorded 1,670 documented cases of media freedom violations committed by a variety of national and foreign actors. These include killings, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and kidnapping, attacks on media headquarters, forced resignations, expulsions and deportations, as well as physical and verbal attacks.The Syrian media landscape is characterized by its polarization and sectarianism, which severely limits the Syrian population’s access to independent and reliable information. A multiplication of media outlets has been noted in recent years, but these are generally under heavy pressure to support the dominant faction in their area. As a result, Syrians are often exposed to highly partial media content, as well as to varying degrees of inflammatory hate speech. In zones controlled by the Syrian government, information is controlled by the State press agency, and media must obtain authorization from the Ministry of Information to operate.UNESCO’s response to these challenges has therefore been twofold: firstly, actions have focused on monitoring hate speech in Syrian media content in order to produce recommendations to counter it and thus prevent it from escalating conflict and hatred. Secondly, an action plan for the safety of Syrian journalists has been developed through multi-stakeholder consultations, which was completed by the development of a safety curriculum for Syrian journalism schools. UNESCO thus upscaled advocacy towards the prevention of hate speech in Syrian media through a monitoring project which started in 2017 and enabled the production of two monitoring studies in 2018 and 2020. In July 2019, the project brought together representatives of Syrian media at a meeting in Paris to discuss the outcomes of the first round of monitoring, which resulted in a consensus to put an end to this phenomenon and identify steps to curb it." (p.2)
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