"A US retreat from international media assistance will set back the global movement for media freedom by years. The gap left behind will not be easy to fill. The movement, however, can be sustained by fortifying its roots. In time, the movement could emerge stronger." (Introduction)
"This study applies the framing model of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) to analyze media coverage of the Chilean social protests of 2019, with a particular emphasis on differences between radio and television coverage. This model uses 20 distinct questions to identify specific frames used in news rep
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orting. These findings indicate that the predominant frame across all protest coverage was Attribution of Responsibility, though this frame was even more prevalent for radio. For television, the results suggest a lower focus on the protesters’ demands, with a tendency to portray the events as a political conflict." (Abstract)
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"At this critical point in time, independent journalists, public interest media and civil society organisations in countries around the world need decisive support. They are directly and severely impacted by the current US administration’s decision to freeze financial support to independent media.
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Therefore, we - a coalition of media organisations concerned with media freedom, journalists' safety, and every person's right to access unbiased and fact-based information – call on the European Union and European states to step up their support for independent media. Robust financial and political support are urgently needed to ensure that independent public interest media can survive this imminent crisis. Reliable information saves lives, fosters accountability and empowers people to make informed decisions. Without it, people in all parts of the world will be adversely affected, and not only those living in low- and middle-income countries. Wherever reliable, independent media are weakened, propaganda and vested interests inevitably fill the gap. We are facing the risk of a mass silencing of independent media that will have an immense social impact and further imperil the global development agenda and international peace. Free, pluralistic and reliable public interest media are indispensable for democracy and human progress. At this critical time, comprehensive European support is vital to their survival."
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"How can current debates on ‘media capture’ be understood within the contexts of Africa and Latin America? This edited collection provides a nuanced exploration of media capture—a critical yet contested concept that examines and illuminates how media can become skewed in favour of power—whil
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e also highlighting spaces and strategies of resistance. By adopting a South-South perspective, it brings together scholars focused on these issues in both regions, featuring a dialogue between two leading scholars, Herman Wasserman and Silvio Waisbord in the Foreword. The book not only demonstrates how media practices in Africa and Latin America are influenced by the political economy of their media systems, but also contributes significantly to advancing empirical, theoretical, and comparative research on media in non-Western settings." (Publisher description)
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"The Recommendation on Information Integrity was adopted by the OECD Council on 17 December 2024 on the proposal of the Public Governance Committee (PGC). The Recommendation aims to establish a wide-ranging and applicable policy framework for Adherents to address threats posed by information manipul
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ation and to put in place measures that promote information integrity in line with the universal human rights of freedom of opinion and expression." (Page 3)
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"This report presents an in-depth examination of Uganda’s media legal and regulatory framework, with a particular focus on its implications for press freedom, democratic engagement, and the overarching vitality of the media sector. The findings reveal a disconcerting trend: although constitutional
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protections for freedom of expression ostensibly exist, their practical enforcement is increasingly compromised by restrictive legislation, administrative overreach, and a lack of transparency in regulatory processes. The evolution of the regulatory framework governing media in Uganda has intensified in recent years, particularly in relation to digital expression, with significant ramifications for journalists, media organisations, and civic stakeholders." (Executive summary)
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"In FY2024, the US Congress approved $271.5 million in foreign assistance through the US State Department and USAID in the category of “Independent Media and Free Flow of Information”. Of this, an estimated $150 million directly funded journalism and media support, with the remainder supporting
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the wider information ecosystem and enabling environment through related topics such as freedom of expression, technology policy and digital rights (often with significant overlap between programming). In 2025 and beyond, the vast majority of this funding will disappear – potentially for good. The sudden revocation of funding has dealt a devastating blow to local media outlets, forcing many to shut down or drastically reduce their operations. This has cut off crucial financial support and resources, leaving journalists without the means to continue their vital work when they need it most. The media outlets that have been most reliant on US Government (USG) funding are those operating in the world’s most challenging and volatile environments – conflict zones, authoritarian regimes, disaster-affected regions and underserved communities where access to reliable information can be a matter of life and death. In these contexts, other business models, such as advertising or subscriptions, are often non-existent or unreliable. And it’s not just media organisations that have been devastated by these cuts – associated support organisations, such as unions, training institutions, legal services, and advocacy bodies, have also been severely impacted. Many of the global media outlets that received USG funding have had to immediately cut staff and reduce coverage, while almost all face reduced ability to operate, and uncertainty around longer-term viability. For media operating in high-risk or authoritarian contexts, funding cuts have dramatically increased their vulnerability, not only by weakening operations but by exposing them to greater legal and physical threats. As “lawfare” tactics like defamation suits and restrictive media laws rise, so too do coordinated attacks on journalists’ digital and physical safety – deliberate efforts to silence dissent and suppress democratic discourse. While some partners have been able to temporarily maintain operations, without new funding, the resulting reduction in capacity looks set to deteriorate further." (Overview, page 2)
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"• Engagement with traditional media sources such as TV, print, and news websites continues to fall, while dependence on social media, video platforms, and online aggregators grows. This is particularly the case in the United States where polling overlapped with the first few weeks of the new Trum
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p administration. Social media news use was sharply up (+6pp) but there was no ‘Trump bump’ for traditional sources.
• Personalities and influencers are, in some countries, playing a significant role in shaping public debates. One-fifth (22%) of our United States sample says they came across news or commentary from popular podcaster Joe Rogan in the week after the inauguration, including a disproportionate number of young men. In France, young news creator Hugo Travers (HugoDécrypte) reaches 22% of under-35s with content distributed mainly via YouTube and TikTok. Young influencers also play a significant role in many Asian countries, including Thailand.
• News use across online platforms continues to fragment, with six online networks now reaching more than 10% weekly with news content, compared with just two a decade ago. Around a third of our global sample use Facebook (36%) and YouTube (30%) for news each week. Instagram (19%) and WhatsApp (19%) are used by around a fifth, while TikTok (16%) remains ahead of X at 12%.
• Data show that usage of X for news is stable or increasing across many markets, with the biggest uplift in the United States (+8pp), Australia (+6pp), and Poland (+6pp). Since Elon Musk took over the network in 2022 many more right-leaning people, notably young men, have flocked to the network, while some progressive audiences have left or are using it less frequently. Rival networks like Threads, Bluesky, and Mastodon are making little impact globally, with reach of 2% or less for news.
• Changing platform strategies mean that video continues to grow in importance as a source of news. Across all markets the proportion consuming social video has grown from 52% in 2020 to 65% in 2025 and any video from 67% to 75%. In the Philippines, Thailand, Kenya, and India more people now say they prefer to watch the news rather than read it, further encouraging the shift to personality-led news creators.
• Our survey also shows the importance of news podcasting in reaching younger, better-educated audiences. The United States has among the highest proportion (15%) accessing one or more podcasts in the last week, with many of these now filmed and distributed via video platforms such as YouTube and TikTok. By contrast, many northern European podcast markets remain dominated by public broadcasters or big legacy media companies and have been slower to adopt video versions.
• TikTok is the fastest growing social and video network, adding a further 4pp across markets for news and reaching 49% of our online sample in Thailand (+10pp) and 40% in Malaysia (+9pp). But at the same time people in those markets see the network as one of the biggest threats when it comes to false or misleading information, along with Facebook.
• Overall, over half our sample (58%) say they remain concerned about their ability to tell what is true from what is false when it comes to news online, a similar proportion to last year. Concern is highest in Africa (73%) and the United States (73%), with lowest levels in Western Europe (46%).
• When it comes to underlying sources of false or misleading information, online influencers and personalities are seen as the biggest threat worldwide (47%), along with national politicians (47%). Concern about influencers is highest in African countries such as Nigeria (58%) and Kenya (59%), while politicians are considered the biggest threat in the United States (57%), Spain (57%), and much of Eastern Europe." (Executive summary, page 10-11)
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"The presence of cameras, at the forefront of crises, either in the hands of journalists, bystanders or passers-by and sometimes even parties to the crises, has inspired multiple visual notations, commentaries and perspectives. Thus, efforts and resources are channelled towards documenting crises, t
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o help us better understand them and play a part in their resolution. Sometimes, the camera also participates in the adjudication of cases arising from crises or, indeed, even in the reconciliatory efforts after a crisis. The book aims to explore the multi-dimensional role of the camera in times of crises, with particular interest in how scholars view the camera as a [useful] tool in times of crisis in Africa. Hopefully, this book will help unravel the multi-layered tendencies of the camera as an instrument of documentation, history verification, (re)presentation of the other, and perhaps the legitimisation of narratives. The camera’s subjective framings of crisis narratives, as a manipulative tool for influence, inference and power are also explored. The book is structured into three parts. The first part focusses on the visual narratives of crises. The second part of the book explores the camera’s tendency to be a tool for representation and agency, while the third segment discusses the use of the camera as an entity for activism and advocacy in crises. These structured parts are intended to broaden the understanding of readers about the greater possibilities that images and imageries from the camera as a tool possess." (Abstract introduction, page 1)
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"This book responds to mounting calls to broaden the theorization of digital journalism, addressing critical questions about an emerging yet rapidly expanding area of study, and presenting multiple entry points and approaches that help us understand digital journalism better. Seeking to establish it
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self as a rich resource and a defining reference point for the evolving field, the handbook provides a critical appraisal and a useful overview of novel approaches and concepts, backed by a full breadth of dynamic and diverse interactions drawn from overlapping and critical studies by some of the leading experts on digital journalism. This handbook presents multiple methodological perspectives, reporting strategies, threats and opportunities and valuable insights on future trajectories for digital journalism practice in an era dominated by digital media technology. Split into four parts, it has been uniquely assembled to investigate and critique the full potential of digital journalism capturing broader, cross-cultural perspectives from all four corners of the world." (Publisher description)
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"This handbook provides a comprehensive review of research in conflict and peace communication and offers readers a range of insights into foundational, ongoing, and emerging discussions in this field. The volume brings together peace studies, conflict studies, and communication studies to acknowled
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ge the power of communication - both cooperative, solidarizing, and integrative as well as destructive and divisive - in constituting social relations. It features a multiplicity of authors, including academics and practitioners from all corners of the globe and from across the communicative spectrum. This handbook is divided into four parts: (1) Meta.theoretical, theoretical, and methodological approaches in conflict and peace communication research; (2) Conflict communication; (3) Peace communication; and (4) Cross.cutting and emergent themes." (Publisher description)
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"Voraussetzung dafür, dass (politische) Fake News Wirkung entfalten, sind gewisse Vulnerabilitätsfaktoren auf Seiten der Userinnen und User. Laut den Studien von Daunt und anderen (2023) sowie von Gupta und anderen (2023) gehören dazu zum Beispiel der Glaube an Verschwörungserzählungen, Patriot
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ismus, Konservatismus und die Tendenz zu kollektivistischen Ideen von Gesellschaft. Die Analysen von Schnaudt (2024) zeigen, dass Verschwörungserzählungen nicht nur in den USA, sondern auch in den europäischen Ländern eine Herausforderung für demokratische Prozesse (z. B. Wahlen) darstellen, wenn Menschen die falschen Informationen für glaubwürdig halten. Auch Mauk und Grömping (2024) fanden in ihrer Studie heraus, dass Autoritarismus und Verschwörungsmentalität, also die Neigung, sich die Welt über Verschwörungstheorien zu erklären, das Vertrauen in Wahlen mindern, weil Informationen motiviert, das heißt in Richtung einer bestehenden Voreinstellung, verarbeitet werden. Fake News können diese motivierte Verarbeitung unterstützen und damit einen destabilisierenden Effekt erzeugen. Laut Stachofsky, Schaupp und Crossler (2023) besteht gerade bei Wählergruppen, die ihre Informationen aus Quellen beziehen, die häufig (politische) Fake News verbreiten, eine besondere Anfälligkeit, die Integrität von Wahlen in Zweifel zu ziehen. Besonders interessant ist in diesem Zusammenhang die Erkenntnis, dass die Herausforderung durch Falschinformationen und Verschwörungserzählungen ironischerweise gerade in denjenigen Ländern hoch ausgeprägt ist, in denen die Rahmenbedingungen für demokratische und unbeeinflusste Wahlen objektiv am günstigsten sind (vgl. auch die Studie von Vliegenthart und anderen, 2024). Und selbst wenn keine tatsächlichen Erkenntnisse über Anomalien bei der Durchführung von Wahlen vorliegen, können Informationen über die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Unregelmäßigkeiten die oben erwähnte motivierte Informationsverarbeitung in Gang setzten und das Vertrauen in die Integrität von Wahlen bedrohen (vgl. die Studie von Kuk, Lee und Rhee (2024)). Studien, die den direkten Einfluss von Fake News auf Wahlentscheidungen untersuchen, sind methodisch schwierig und selten zu finden. Iida und andere (2024) konnten nur geringe Effekte feststellen und betonen, dass eine entsprechende Wirkung eher bei Personen entsteht, die keine ausgeprägten politischen Überzeugungen haben und/oder politisch weniger gut informiert sind. Auch Cantarella, Fraccaroli und Volpe (2023) konnten nur kleine Effekte ermitteln, die jedoch signifikant zum Wahlergebnis zugunsten populistischer Parteien in Italien beigetragen haben." (Zusammenfassung, Seiten 1-2)
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"Organisations that take extreme risks to document atrocities,corruption and war crimes fear for their future after USAid cuts." (Introduction)
"The purpose of this research project is to contribute to the academic and practitioner understanding of how donors impact the development of media systems in developing and transitioning countries. The study reflects on the evolution of donor strategies in media development over the past 30 years s
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ince 1989, highlighting several key trends [...] Early optimism about democratic transitions has waned, with media development now seen as a rescue operation. A clear definition of ‘democracy’ has become blurred, with autocrats co-opting the term, leading to growing scepticism about its true meaning. The cynicism about democracy is joined by a sense of naïve expectations in that donors once believed that funding free and independent media would automatically strengthen other democratic institutions. This assumption has been challenged as reality proved more complex. When it came to specific feedback on donor strategies, respondents shared that donor funding initially supported traditional media infrastructure. With the rise of the internet and digital media, strategies shifted to support the digital transformation of journalism. Respondents also note that donor strategies have often shifted with geopolitical interests, leaving media development in regions like Eastern Europe and Southern Africa in flux. Wars and political changes have diverted funds and attention, impacting the sustainability of media projects. There is criticism that donors lack a coherent long-term strategy or clear goals for media development related investments. Many rely on Western NGOs to devise strategies, leading to concerns about the effectiveness and sustainability of these efforts. Overall, the research undertaken underscores the need for more stable, well-defined, and strategically coherent donor approaches to support independent media development effectively. Finally, the study relayed concerns from local stakeholders that they feel there is a pressing need to localise practices and prioritize localisation to enhance long-term impact and sustainability. This dissertation focuses on the post-1989 context, which was significant for the spread of democracy following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the breakup of the Soviet Union, and the end of apartheid in Africa. This period, often called the third wave of democratisation, was marked by a belief in the inevitable spread of democracy and liberal democratic order.
My research connects media development theories with practical applications in specific contexts examining how donor strategies affect journalism and press freedom, informed by scholarship on liberal democracy. The qualitative research, based on interpretivism/constructivism, probes donor impact on media space and evaluates program success, contributing to a theory of change in media development. The comparative research and grounded theory approach led to the development of a case study about the Media Institute of Southern Africa. Findings and analysis are drawn from the perspectives from donors, program beneficiaries, implementers, academics, and experts. The research interprets the legacy of donor-supported media development in the context of democratisation efforts by Western government aid agencies and foundations." (Abstract)
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"This joint report from OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) analyzes the activity of a network of 3,634 automated accounts that posted pro-Russian comments on Telegram channels between January 2024 and April 2025 targeting Ukrainian populations inside Russian-occupied territorie
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s. These accounts crafted tailored messages to target the occupied territories, differentiating their content from that aimed at other audiences across Russia and Ukraine. Our investigation found that automated Telegram comments targeting local audiences in Ukraine fell into three overarching categories: pro-Russian propaganda, anti-Ukrainian propaganda, and abstract anti-war messaging and calls for peaceful coexistence. Individual narratives were often tailored to respond to current events and changes in local conditions, such as power or water outages, but there was also evidence of proactive narratives initiated by the network unrelated to external events.
The bot network used similar messaging when targeting channels based in Russia; however, a significantly larger share of comments targeting the occupied territory channels emphasized positive portrayals of Russian culture and government. Across the sixty-nine narrative themes identified (see appendix), the bot network pushed essentially the same menu of talking points in both Russia-wide and occupied territory channels. What differentiates the content aimed at the occupied territories from that aimed at a wider Russian audience is the proportion of talking points: themes that praised Russian culture, social services, and governance dominated in occupied territory-based channels, accounting for a markedly higher share of content than in Russia-based channels. The pattern points to an effort to cultivate the appearance of local consensus in favor of occupation and Russian administrative control, but not necessarily to create genuine agreement." (Executive summary)
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"La verdad nos hizo libres es una crónica rigurosa y conmovedora sobre los abusos cometidos dentro del Sodalicio de Vida Cristiana, la impunidad que los protegió durante décadas y su eventual caída tras la intervención del papa Francisco. A través de testimonios, documentos y una investigació
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n meticulosa, el libro expone los abusos de índole sexual, psicológica y emocional perpetrados por esta organización sectaria bajo una fachada religiosa. Además, revela el sistema de control totalitario que sometió a sus víctimas, la persecución que enfrentaron quienes se atrevieron a denunciar y el engranaje de poder mediático, judicial y económico que mantuvo la impunidad de la institución. Con el pulso de quien vivió la historia de cerca, el autor construye un relato absorbente que no solo denuncia, sino que reivindica la lucha por la verdad y la justicia. Este libro es, sin duda, un hito del periodismo de investigación que documenta más de dos décadas de lucha contra el silencio y el encubrimiento, y una lectura imprescindible para quienes buscan entender y enfrentar la violencia encubierta en nombre de la fe." (Tapa posterior)
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