"Russia and China have created and amplified disinformation and propaganda about COVID-19 worldwide to sow distrust and confusion and to reduce social cohesion among targeted audiences. The United States government, the European Union, and multinational organizations have developed a series of inter
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ventions in response. These include exposing disinformation, providing credible and authoritative public health information, imposing sanctions, investing in democratic resilience measures, setting up COVID-19 disinformation task forces, addressing disinformation through regulatory measures, countering emerging threat narratives from Russia and China, and addressing the vulnerabilities in the information and media environment. Digital platforms, including Twitter, Meta, YouTube, and TikTok, have stepped up to counter COVID-19 disinformation and misinformation via policy procedures, takedowns of inauthentic content, addition of new product features, and partner with civil society and multinational organizations to provide credible and reliable information to global audiences. In addition, digital platforms are addressing COVID-19-related disinformation and misinformation stemming from a variety of state and non-state actors, including China and Russia. Several of these initiatives have proven to be effective, including cross-sectoral collaboration to facilitate identification of the threat; enforcement actions between civil society, governments, and digital platforms; and investment in resilience mechanisms, including media literacy and online games to address disinformation. Despite some meaningful progress, gaps in countering COVID-19 disinformation and propaganda stemming from Russia and China and unintentional misinformation spread by everyday citizens still exist. Closing these gaps will require gaining a deeper understanding of how adversaries think; aligning and refining transatlantic regulatory approaches; building coordination and whole-of- society information-sharing mechanisms; expanding the use of sanctions to counter disinformation; localizing and contextualizing programs and technological solutions; strengthening societal resilience through media, digital literacy, and by addressing digital authoritarianism; and building and rebuilding trust in democratic institutions." (Executive summary)
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"Marc Engelhardt arbeitet selbst seit 20 Jahren aus anderen Ländern für deutsche Medien. Nun hat er für die Otto Brenner Stiftung das Diskussionspapier über den deutschen Auslandsjournalismus geschrieben. Er habe damit gerechnet, dass bestimmte Länder öfter in den Medien vorkommen als andere.
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Diesen Eindruck müsse jede*r bekommen, der die Nachrichten verfolge. Um nicht nur über Anekdotisches zu schreiben, erarbeitete er konkrete Zahlen. Dafür analysierte Engelhardt, wie oft Ländernamen und Regionen vom 1. Januar 2010 bis 31. Dezember 2019 in 23 führenden Zeitungen vorkommen. Mit Abstand am meisten berichteten die Zeitungen über die USA. Damit habe er gerechnet. „Aber auf dem zweiten Platz liegt Großbritannien, und das kommt auf nicht einmal die Hälfte der Berichte“, sagt Engelhardt. „Ich habe nicht damit gerechnet, dass es so viel Berichterstattung über die USA gibt.“ 34 Staaten kamen hingegen weniger als 50-mal in der Berichterstattung vor und aus 15 Regionen wurde gar nicht berichtet, darunter die umkämpfte Westsahara. Insgesamt verblasse die Welt in der Auslandsberichterstattung. Der Grund dafür sei, dass sich nur wenige Medien eigene Korrespondent*innen leisteten und in den meisten Ländern keine Korrespondent*innen aktiv seien, erklärt Engelhardt. Einzelne decken dabei mehrere Länder ab – sie sind teilweise für Gebiete mit mehreren Tausend Kilometern Breite zuständig [...] In seinem Diskussionspapier fordert Marc Engelhardt dafür öffentliche Mittel, denn es handle sich um eine gesellschaftliche Aufgabe. Über die genaue Ausgestaltung müsse aber noch diskutiert werden, denn die Regierung dürfe keinen Einfluss darauf haben, worüber Korrespondent*innen berichten. Aber der bisherige Weg habe keine Zukunft, „die Marktmechanismen reichen offenbar nicht“, findet er." (David Muschenich, Studie zu Auslandsjournalismus: Blinde Flecken, in: taz online, 1.3.2022)
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"Ziel des Buches ist es, ein grundsätzliches Verständnis zu schaffen und methodische Herangehensweisen darüber zu vermitteln, was erfolgreiche Kommunikation in diesem Branchenkontext auszeichnet und welche Wirkungen sich mit Kommunikation erzielen lassen - veranschaulicht an vielen Fallbeispielen
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aus der landwirtschaftlichen Praxis. Auf diese Weise schlägt das Buch eine Brücke zwischen Kommunikationsmanagement und Agrarwirtschaft und damit zwischen allgemeiner Theorie und branchenbezogener Anwendung." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The CANnual Report 2022 follows a slightly different editorial concept than before. Since 2016, the publication featured one central topic which all creative agencies wrote about. This year however, weCAN experts write about twelve of the hottest topics in communication across the region. Five of t
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he most influential consumer trends are also featured in the country chapters along with the articles about TikTok, e-commerce, Gen Z – and the war-torn Ukrainian market." (wecan.net)
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"The political and media rhetoric of the pandemic is that of conflict and a call to arms in face of a hidden enemy. But this is not a distant war where journalists are parachuted in to report on the action for a few weeks and then fly home. It is on our own doorstep. Many of those covering the globa
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l crisis do not correspond to the popular image of hardened conflict reporters and may have little experience in dealing with distressing stories of death, grief and mourning. How are journalists coping with the everyday diet of trauma when the corona frontline may be affecting their families, friends and colleagues? This article explores these issues through narrative interviews with UK-based journalists covering the pandemic for broadcast, print and digital media. It seeks to capture their “emotional labour” and explore possible differences in their practice and the coping strategies they employ. The paper locates this discussion within the context of an industry that has paid relatively little heed to these issues and considers what long-term implications the coronavirus may have for the next generation of digital journalists." (Abstract)
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"This book offers a critical and systematic survey of the study of religion and digital media. It covers religious engagement with a wide range of digital media forms and highlights examples of new media engagement in all five of the major world religions. From mobile apps and video games to virtual
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reality and social media, the book provides a detailed review of major topics including ritual, identity, community, authority, and embodiment, includes a series of engaging case studies to illustrate and elucidate the thematic explorations, considers the theoretical, ethical, and theological issues raised [...] Thoroughly updated throughout with new case studies and in-depth analysis of recent scholarship and developments, this new edition provides a comprehensive overview of this fast-paced, constantly developing, and fascinating field." (Publisher description)
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"Die Medienlandschaft behandelt täglich die Motive Sterben, Tod und Jenseits. Bilderbücher und Graphic Novels stehen bei diesen Themen meist nicht im Fokus, doch die Anzahl an entsprechenden Veröffentlichungen steigt stetig. Welche Bilder nutzen sie zur Darstellung der komplexen Thematik? Wie wir
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d die größtenteils junge Zielgruppe dabei berücksichtigt? Birte Svea Philippi zeigt anhand einer quantitativen Erhebung sowie qualitativ an Fallbeispielen, welche gemeinsamen Bildideen die Autor*innen von Bilderbüchern und Graphic Novels aufgreifen. Mit ihrem kunstpädagogischen Ansatz fokussiert sie auf Mittel, Motive und Metaphern, die zur Ansprache von Kindern und Jugendlichen genutzt werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Zwischen 1975 und 1990 machten tausende Menschen in ganz Westeuropa mit freien Radiosendern auf ihre Kultur, ihre politischen Ansichten und ihre Interessen aufmerksam. Sie erreichten über ihre Rundfunkstationen Millionen Zuhörer. Der Strukturwandel war dabei in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, den
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Niederlanden und Belgien der Stimulus hinter dieser radiophonen Entwicklung. Wie aber sahen die Klänge des Strukturwandels aus? Wie setzten sie sich in Westeuropa nach dem wirtschaftlichen Boom der 1950er und 1960er Jahre fort? Welche Auswirkungen hatten die freien Radiosender auf die Medienlandschaft? »Der Klang des Strukturwandels« gewährt spannende kulturelle, gesellschaftliche, politische und wirtschaftliche Einblicke in einen Zeitabschnitt bewegter europäischer Geschichte. Ob in Arbeiterstädten, auf dem Land, Jugendliche, öffentlich-rechtliche Rundfunksender oder dynamische Akteure der Medienindustrie - alle interessierten sich für das freie Radio!" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Social media influencers promote not only products and brands but also their opinions on serious topics like party politics or climate change. These so-called digital opinion leaders may exert a powerful impact on their followers’ political attitudes. Accordingly, we explore new directions to exp
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lain how influencers’ communication is related to political outcomes by proposing the concept of perceived simplification of politics (PSP). We argue that PSP may fuel political cynicism but also stimulate youth’s interest in politics. We also explore important boundary conditions of these associations. We use data from three studies, a two-wave panel survey of adolescents (NT2 =294), a cross-sectional survey of young adults (N=632), and a two-wave panel survey of young adults (NT2=496) in Germany between 2019 and 2020. Findings of all three studies show that the frequency of exposure to social media influencers’ content increases PSP. In Studies 1 and 2, PSP is related to higher political cynicism, while in Study 3, this relationship is restricted to influencers’ communication about environmental topics and gender equality. Furthermore, Studies 2 and 3 suggest that PSP also increases political interest—yet this association requires a certain level of parasocial interaction (PSI) with the influencer and is contingent on specific political topics." (Abstract)
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"This paper offers a critical overview of anti-war propaganda in the Russian language during the first six months of the war and identifies the reasons for its limited success. After a review of the challenges to current forms of propaganda, the paper offers practical recommendations to improve the
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work in this area." (Page 3)
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"This book reveals the value and significance of pirate radio, with a special focus on local radio stations that broadcast illegally in Poland in the early 90s. It shows that many of them, like in other countries from the region, began as non-commercial, community-oriented initiatives. Several sourc
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es of information were used to maximize the potential of the study, especially documents gathered from public institutions, press articles, interviews with radio representatives, and decision-makers who influenced the shape of the broadcasting system. The analysis of these sources supports the conclusion that, although the pirates left a lasting legacy, they lost out in the licensed regime driven by market logic." (Publisher description)
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"This study aims to fill the gap of the practical impediments for journalists properly doing their work during the COVID-19 pandemic over a single country. It is achieved by mapping the situational threats faced by the press in Portugal, as one of the best countries that grant media a free environme
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nt to work, which illustrates the challenges faced by media in established democracies. Drawing on the analysis of 34 episodes reported by national and international monitoring bodies over twenty months since the onset of the coronavirus crisis in the country, it concludes that economic threats alongside limitations in accessing information prevailed to the detriment of verbal and physical attacks or smear campaigns and online harassment. Apart from the nuance of the far-right hostility towards the press due to the health restrictions during campaign reporting as a new type of threat manifestation, the remaining threats experienced by the Portuguese media accelerated or aggravated previous trends." (Abstract)
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"The online harassment of journalists is a phenomenon which has been on the rise in Europe over the last decade and it affects journalists' working lives. As an expression of mob censorship, online harassment raises questions about how media organisations react to online aggressions targeting their
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journalists, the consequences on the victims’ well-being and on the role of journalism in society. Yet, previous research has shown the lack of support mechanisms provided by journalists’ employers. In this article, we explore the hypothesis that the lack of organisational support towards targeted journalists is partly due to the challenges faced by media managers when trying to make sense of the phenomenon. This article offers a unique viewpoint on how 22 Belgian media managers from five media organisations struggle to define what online harassment is and how to respond to it. In turn, it shows that the vague understanding of what online harassment is seems to favour case-by-case organisational responses. Missing words and unstructured actions related to online harassment impede media managers from addressing online harassment as a collective issue in journalism and its consequences on the democratic debate." (Abstract)
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"Soziale Medien wie Facebook, YouTube, Instagram oder Twitter sind wichtige Werkzeuge der politischen Kommunikation geworden. Politikerinnen und Politiker genauso wie ehrenamtlich Engagierte nutzen sie, um über ihre Ziele zu informieren und Unterstützung zu mobilisieren. Bürgerinnen und Bürger k
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önnen mit ihrer Hilfe an gesellschaftlichen Debatten partizipieren und ihre eigene Meinung einbringen. Zugleich können die Regeln und Mechanismen der sozialen Medien aber auch zu Filterblasen, Echokammern und Hassrede führen. Dieses Buch beschreibt allgemeinverständlich, wie Politikerinnen und Politiker soziale Medien nutzen, wie soziale Medien Meinungsbildung und politisches Engagement verändern, und wie wir diese Entwicklungen gesellschaftlich einhegen sollten, um unsere Demokratie nicht zu gefährden." (Buchrücken)
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"The diversity of the state of media freedoms in Europe is reflected in its geography, where more liberal regimes are to be found in the north and the west of the continent where the freedoms are secured firmer in countries’ legislations, governments’ practices, and citizens’ behaviours. Some
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countries in the east of Europe are most restrictive with these freedoms and rights that reflects types of regimes that are autocratic. However, states increasingly use pressure on individual journalists in situations when dealing with real or perceived security threats. The same type of excuse and clarification is used by autocracies when they impose severe restrictions on media and expression or attempt to execute rigid control over public life. While the legislation in most countries gives legal provisions to freedom of expression, the practices are often restrictive in some of the European countries. The Western Balkans’ states have developed such practices. The additional issue for Europe is the development of new media and the democratisation of media, making it available to almost anybody to publish or broadcast on digital platforms. The state is yet to learn how to regulate this new space and legislate in this sphere. Should freedoms be restricted by regulating digital platforms, and whether this would lead from democratic towards authoritarian governments?" (Abstract)
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"The colonial essence of the Portuguese nation was one of the pillars of Estado Novo (1933–1974). During this period, the media were largely used as a tool for promoting the cohesion of the territories, firstly embodying an Imperial mystique, and after the second World War, arguing for the excepti
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onalism of Portuguese colonialization and fighting enemy propaganda. However, contrary to other European empires, Portugal never had a consistent and articulated policy for using radio for these purposes. This article analyses the case of São Tomé and Príncipe, the smallest Portuguese colony in Africa and argues that the new strategy that was experimented in the archipelago in the late 60’s was characterized by a lack of organization and investment that curtailed any chances of success against competitor broadcasts. Based on archival research and interviews with former radio professionals, the case of São Tomé is presented as an example of a frail global articulation that characterized the Imperial Portuguese broadcasting strategy during this period, while it deepens the knowledge on the development of radio in the former Portuguese colonies." (Abstract)
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