"Die Arbeit widmet sich der Dynamik öffentlicher Online-Deliberation. Basierend auf einer kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem klassischen Deliberationskonzept werden neben der Argumentation ausserdem Narration, Emotionsäusserungen und Humor als deliberative Kommunikationsformen diskutiert. Neben
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der Gegenargumentation werden Empathie, Konstruktivität, Reflexivität und echte Fragen als Bestandteile deliberativer Reziprozität betrachtet. Empirisch wird mittels relationaler Inhalts- und Sequenzanalyse zweier Online-Beteiligungsverfahren untersucht, inwiefern unterschiedliche Kommunikationsformen nachfolgende klassische und inklusive deliberative Reziprozität beeinflussen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Cold War media cultures are typically remembered in terms of an East-West binary, emphasizing conflict and propaganda. Remapping Cold War Media, however, offers a different perspective on the period, illuminating the extensive connections between media industries and cultures in Europe's Cold War E
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ast and their counterparts in the West and Global South. These connections were forged by pragmatic, technological, economic, political, and aesthetic forces; they had multiple, at times conflicting, functions and meanings. And they helped shape the ways in which media circulates today—from film festivals, to satellite networks, to coproductions. Considering film, literature, radio, photography, computer games, and television, Remapping Cold War Media offers a transnational history of postwar media that spans Eastern and Western Europe, the Nordic countries, Cuba, the United States, and beyond. Contributors draw on extensive archival research to reveal how media traveled across geopolitical boundaries; the processes of translation, interpretation, and reception on which these travels depended; and the significance of media form, content, industries, and infrastructures then and now." (Publisher description)
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"The research – based on programmatic text-mining supported analyses of several millions of war-related comments scraped by Sentione and further examined with CrowdTangle - found traces of inauthentic, repetitive pro-Kremlin activity on Facebook in all countries under review, which can be consider
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ed attempts to influence public opinion in the affected states and, in some cases, beyond them. Our main conclusions are: Crises help the Kremlin. Even if public opinion in the EU is currently unfavorable to the Kremlin, the onset of high, permanent inflation, soaring energy prices and the looming danger of an EU-wide recession could create a more favorable environment for the Kremlin’s propaganda efforts. Most (covertly) Kremlin-friendly forces will adopt a rhetoric blasting sanctions for harming Europe more than Russia. Importing disinformation narratives. Three out of the four narratives found in Hungary were imported into the country from abroad. One doubting Ukraine’s existence as a country started from an organization connected to Ukrainian pro-Putin oligarch Viktor Medvechuk, taken over by the so-called “news agency” of separatists. Another narrative detailing a new, dictatorial world order based on, among others, COVID-19 restrictions, and led by NATO was aimed at developing countries where Russia can hope to hold more sway. The third essentially took over a trend in the Russian media space: users tried to discredit anti-war voices by asking them “where they were in the past eight years” when Ukraine committed atrocities against minorities. Strategies in Germany: Divide and Rule. The six relevant narratives we found in Germany employed three different strategies. The first was anti-Westernism, where the US and NATO are to blame for Russia’s attack. The second aimed clearly at generating debates by spreading a Kremlin-critical narrative. Some profiles involved in this were caught disseminating both pro-Kremlin and anti-Kremlin narratives, which indicates it is not intended to counter the Kremlin’s information operation but to be a part of it. The third strategy was about exploiting contemporary events - such as heightened discussions on sanctions and rising inflation." (Executive summary)
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"Danny Schmidt analysiert, wie führende deutsche Medien über Russland schreiben. Artikel der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung, des Neuen Deutschlands, des Spiegels, der Süddeutschen Zeitung und der Welt zeichnen ein deutliches Bild. Der Blickwinkel ist verengt, die Perspektivenvielfalt reduziert,
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ein neutraler Blick nicht immer gegeben. Historische Diskurse reaktivieren Stereotype und befeuern Ressentiments. Die Folge ist die Konstruktion eines vitalen Feindbildes, das im Krieg in der Ukraine traurige Realität geworden ist." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"30 anos de literatura brasileira na RFA: como uma das editoras centrais da Europa do pós-guerra, a editora Suhrkamp, contribuiu e impulsionou a recepção da literatura brasileira no mercado editorial alemão. Através da análise de documentos do arquivo da editora Douglas Pompeu reflete sobre a
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posição marginal da produção literária brasileira na circulação literária internacional, assim como sobre o seus esforços de divulgação para além das fronteiras nacionais. O estudo pode ser resumido como uma pesquisa de cruzamento entre dois espaços literários com valências distintas, mas em contato e movimento constante, no qual editores, agentes, redatores, tradutores e o leitor tomam o protagonismo da instância autor na produção do livro e na legibilidade, traduzibilidade e vendabilidade do produto literário." (Resumo)
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"Maidan, Krim und Russland bilden 2014 einen Fokus der Berichterstattung, als Proteste v. a. in Kiew in eine Staatskrise münden und die Halbinsel Krim von Russland annektiert wird. Diese einschneidenden Ereignisse werden von Medien eingeordnet und in Sinnzusammenhänge eingebettet. Die vorliegende
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Medien-Frame-Analyse untersucht das Bild, das seinerzeit in den kommentierenden Texten der reichweitenstärksten deutschen Printmedien geprägt wurde. Sie begreift Meinung als über den Begriff des Frames in den Texten nachweisbar, den sie theoretisch daraus herleitet, wie Menschen mit (Eigen-)Kategorien die Welt verstehen und sortieren. Mit einer operationalisierbaren Definition des Begriffes Frame können so die Meinungsspektren nachgezeichnet werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Kunst dient als wichtiges Mittel im Kampf gegen Diskriminierung und stereotype Zuschreibungen. So auch in der kulturellen Selbstbehauptung der Sinti und Roma: Künstlerinnen und Künstler haben zahlreiche Wege gefunden, kreativ auf Marginalisierung und Antiziganismus zu reagieren, sei es in der Fot
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ografie, in der bildenden Kunst, im Tanz, im Film oder in der Literatur. Das kulturelle Schaffen der Sinti und Roma entfaltete eine produktive Wechselwirkung mit der Bürgerrechtsbewegung, gleichermaßen spielt es eine wichtige Rolle in der Erinnerung an die Verfolgung und systematische Ermordung der Sinti und Roma durch das NS-Regime. Für das digitale Pionierprojekt RomArchive wurden zahlreiche wichtige Arbeiten von unterschiedlichen Künstlerinnen und Künstlern zusammengetragen. Diese zweisprachige Ausgabe (Deutsch/Romanes) versammelt zentrale Werke des Archivs und einordnende Begleittexte und spiegelt die Vielfalt des kulturellen Schaffens von Sinti und Roma wider." (Buchrückseite)
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"Populist politicians increasingly accuse opposing media of spreading disinformation or “fake news.” However, empirical research on the effects of these accusations is scarce. This survey experiment (N = 1,330) shows that disinformation accusations reduce audience members’ trust in the accused
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news outlet and perceived accuracy of the news message, while trust in the accusing politician is largely unaffected. However, only individuals with strong populist attitudes generalize disinformation accusations to the media as an institution and reduce their general media trust. The phrase “fake news” does not amplify any of these effects. These findings suggest that politicians can undermine the credibility of journalism without much repercussion—a mechanism that might also threaten other authoritative information sources in democracies such as scientists and health authorities." (Abstract)
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"Through this research we gained insight into tactics employed by state-backed social media disinformation. With that goal, we explored user interactions with inauthentic Twitter accounts. We used multiple procedures to measure the ways in which users talked with and about the accounts employed by t
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he Russian-affiliated Internet Research Agency in the month before the 2016 U.S. Election. We found that users were overwhelming supportive of the IRA accounts, a fact that calls into question the standard representation of these accounts as “trolls.” Users were particularly supportive of the accounts that pretended to be part of a particular ideological group (on both the left and right), supporting arguments that a strategy of building connections with like-minded people was central to the IRA campaign. This strategy seems to work—on days that the Russian accounts received more support they also received more engagement." (Lay summary)
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"Das Buch besteht aus zwei Teilen. Der erste enthält Stichwortartikel zu den Themenbereichen Presse, Radio, Fernsehen, Online-Medien, Agenturen und Medien im Allgemeinen. Im zweiten Teil werden Datentabellen und Grafiken präsentiert, die sich vor allem auf das Jahr 2015 beziehen. Dabei werden sowo
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hl Unterschiede als auch Gemeinsamkeiten der beiden Medienkulturen deutlich. Alle Beiträge wurden – großenteils gemeinsam – von Autorinnen und Autoren beider Seiten verfasst und werden in deutscher und in russischer Sprache gegenübergestellt: ein Ergebnis der langjährigen Zusammenarbeit von Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern aus den Journalistik-Abteilungen der Technischen Universität Dortmund und der Südlichen Föderalen Universität in Rostov am Don." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In the midst of heated debates surrounding the veracity and honesty of communication, scholarly attention has turned to the conceptualization of mis- and disinformation on the supply-side of (political) communication. Yet, we lack systematic research on the conceptualization of perceived mis- and d
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isinformation on the demand-side. Original survey data collected in ten European countries (N = 6,643) shows that news consumers distinguish general misinformation from disinformation. Yet, the high correlation between the two dimensions indicates that disinformation perceptions may be regarded as a sub-type of misinformation perceptions in which intentional deception is a core element. This paper aims to make a contribution to the misinformation and media credibility literature by proposing a first conceptualization of perceived untruthfulness corresponding to increasing levels of cynicism and skepticism toward the factual status and honesty of information." (Abstract)
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"Has Russia abandoned its atheist past and embraced Orthodox Christianity as its new moral guide? The reality is more complex and contradictory. Digital sources provide evidence of rising domestic criticism of the Russian Orthodox Church and its leadership. This book offers a nuanced understanding o
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f contemporary Russian Orthodoxy and its changing role in the digital era. Topics covered within this book include: Mediatization theory; Church reforms under Patriarch Kirill; Church-state relations since 2009; Russian Orthodox Church's media policy; Anticlericalism vs. Church criticism; religious, secular and atheist critiques of the Church in digital media." (Publisher description)
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"Although investigative journalism still exists in Bulgaria, it is on the decline. Over the last few years, this EU country has been steadily sliding down the press freedom rankings. Investigative journalism is often misused for image purposes, and alternative investigations conducted outside tradit
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ional newsrooms and in civil society groups raise questions about adherence to professional standards. Restoring trust in the media and solidarity among journalists is no easy task. The motivation to conduct investigative research is also dwindling because the Bulgarian judiciary often simply ignores journalistic revelations." (Abstract)
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"More than nine months into the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the online methods for tracking this war are many and proliferating, including the most obvious source of all — social media networks. A 2019 law designed to keep its military from posting on social media has not deterred Russian service
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men from sharing images and updates from the frontline, not least on Telegram and the Russian social network VKontakte, potentially allowing anyone with an Internet connection to pinpoint the place, time, and sometimes individuals seen in footage of military movements. Open-source investigations (OSI), popularly and misleadingly known as open-source intelligence, is not synonymous with social media, however. OSI is any information that can be publicly accessed by others, including but not limited to online sources. That includes everything from local newspapers to satellite imagery and images shared on TripAdvisor. What it doesn’t include are two mainstays of traditional investigative journalism — non-public document leaks or closed-source reporting, otherwise known as shoe-leather reporting and interviews. Over the past few years, newsrooms have started integrating open-source methods into their coverage and building their own OSI teams. That’s in part to verify social media posts, and in part to report on places where it is simply too dangerous for journalists to venture — areas on or behind the frontlines — where open-source imagery allows a glimpse into military movements and potential war crimes. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, open-source investigations have surged in prominence and the genre as a whole has attracted scrutiny, not least from state actors themselves." (Introduction)
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