"This document presents a compilation of the implementation reports submitted by field offices on the implementation of non-earmarked IPDC projects approved by the 61st IPDC Bureau Meeting in March 2017. During the 61st IPDC Bureau meeting held on 21-22 March 2017 in Paris, 44 projects in 38 countri
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es were approved with non-earmarked funding. This document is a compilation of the IPDC reports that have been submitted by field offices." (Summary)
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"The No News Is Bad News (NNIBN) programme started in January 2016. The aim of the NNIBN Programme is to work towards the following vision: media and journalists, as independent players in civil society, constitute a diverse and professional media landscape and function as change catalysts. This is
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done by working towards three interlinked Intermediate Outcomes: an enabling environment for the media is established, conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism, and diversity; media serve the interest of the public and act as a watchdog on their behalf; journalists and media-actors work professionally and are effective and sustainable [...] The outcome harvesting activities Free Press Unlimited has done with our partners in Pakistan have had four outputs or applications: an evaluation of the Pakistan country programme, which has resulted in this document; lessons learned for future outcome harvesting workshops, which have been used to draft a pilot evaluation report and a two-pager on outcome harvesting at Free Press Unlimited; input for the Mid-Term-Review of the No News is Bad News programme as a whole; recommendations on the priorities and strategies for the programme going forward, discussed together with Free Press Unlimited’s programme staff and our partners in Pakistan." (Page 3-4)
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"Media subsidies have proved useful and appropriate as means to attain both economic and value-related objectives. Media companies often prefer indirect (and less transparent) ‘fuel’, while States favour direct subsidies. However, there is little scientific research on the actual impact of media
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subsidies. Any causality is difficult to establish since external factors abound and subsidies are not critical to economic success, at least in the for-profit media business. Non-commercial, local and citizen-based media as well as certain books and films only exist because some kind of subsidy has been available to them. In times of severe/structural crisis in the media world (Trappel et al. 2015) subsidies should be considered by both companies and governments as one revenue-generating factor among others – possibly the smallest one, possibly one to be called upon only temporarily and possibly despite the risk for the beneficiaries’ independence. Experience has shown over many decades that this latter concern cannot be substantiated and that subsidies are unlikely to compromise journalistic work as long as their providers respect democratic rules and procedures. In other words media policy should not discard the subsidies tool altogether, but develop modalities and designs that make for appropriate and democratic support of the media. Good practices can be found all over Europe." (Page 89)
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"This chapter examines how the Aide aux cinemas du monde fund and the Produire au Sud workshop aim at strengthening France’s central position in the co-production of world cinemas. The Aide aux cinemas du monde provides funding to French co-producers of films from all over the world, while the Pro
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duire au Sud workshop, linked to the Festival des 3 Continents in Nantes, works towards developing cooperation between European film professionals and emerging film-makers from the South. Drawing on an analysis of film policy documents and data, field observation and recent film festival studies, this chapter describes how both initiatives support co-production, in parallel to developing and exporting professional practices and discourses that shape the co-production culture developed in France since the 1980s." (Abstract)
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"In this paper we assess the electoral consequences of candidate selection into the supply of widely-disseminated programmatic information in the setting of Liberia, where clientelism is pervasive and the media sector is weak. We partnered with USAID and the NGO Internews to study the impact of rand
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omized elements of a nationwide initiative to hold debates for all 73 House of Representatives seats ahead of the Liberian election of October 2017. Beyond lawmaking, House members in Liberia control access to development funds as well as play key roles in the allocation and implementation of public goods, and thus voters have incentives to care about the policy priorities of the candidates and vote accordingly. However, historically, votes have been bought as often as won (Bowles et al., 2017). In an effort to improve democratic accountability, Internews organized 129 standardized debates, with at least one in each electoral district, to solicit the policy promises of the participating candidates. In the debates, the 59% of candidates who participated were asked a series of questions by moderating journalists on particular issues of local policy relevance, most often relating to district schools, primary healthcare facilities, and infrastructural investments. Rather than large townhall-style debates, the emphasis was on soliciting concrete policy platforms and promises from the candidates that would then be rebroadcast by community radio stations. To shock the supply of policy promises, we randomly varied the intensity of invitation efforts to persuade candidates to participate in the debates. The decision to participate is risky, particularly in clientelistic settings where the returns to programmatic competition can be both limited and highly uncertain. Candidates who ‘win’ a debate may enjoy greater publicity and net electoral gains, but ex ante they risk performing poorly, revealing their policy priorities to be disconnected from their constituents and restricting their ability to target campaign promises to small groups of influential voters. These risks are especially pronounced for the leading candidates (incumbents and their challengers), who enjoy greater resources for campaigning, are adapted to the existing clientelistic equilibrium, and are more likely to be attacked by opponents to gain publicity." (Pages 2-3)
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"The Digital News Innovation Fund (DNI Fund) is a European programme that’s part of the Google News Initiative, an effort to help journalism thrive in the digital age. The DNI Fund is a €150 million commitment to support and kick-start innovation within the European news ecosystem. Entering its
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third year, the DNI Fund is coming of age, and a community of successful project owners has flourished. We’ve seen projects transform from ideas to remarkable and highly impactful solutions that are already making a difference in newsrooms. In this report, you’ll find a full overview of DNI Fund activity as well as details of many brilliant concepts from across Europe that are tackling four key industry challenges: battling misinformation, telling local stories, boosting digital revenues and exploring new technologies. We hope you enjoy reading about them." (Page 1)
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"Robert G. Picard describes the evolvement of UNESCO's media development indicators. The chapter describes a growing focus on economic, financial and managerial dimensions, since, it argues, they pave the fundament to any sustainable, commercial or non-commercial journalistic venture. What Picard cr
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itically argues is that there is no universal quick fix for sustainable journalism. Any normative effort to define and measure media development or sustainable journalism also needs to take into account the local contingencies, where sustainability may look quite different depending on its temporal, geographic, economic and cultural context." (Page xxxi)
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"Most of Japan's civil society assistance targets media. JICA's policy guideline on peace-building assistance regards media assistance as one of the target categories of Japan's democracy assistance (Japanese International Cooperation Agency JICA, 2009). The International Peace Cooperation Council (
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Kokusai Heiwa Kyoryoku Kondankai), which was established within the Cabinet Office. recommended boosting Japan's media assistance in its report published in December 2002 (Council on International Peace Cooperation 2002, 42). Japan has assisted media through grants, technical assistance, expert dispatch, expert training, and the provision of materials related to broadcasting (JICA 20046, 50). Japan has provided media assistance mainly to TV and radio stations. According to Masakazu Sakashita (2006, 122), 127 TV media assistance projects and 56 radio assistance projects had been conducted by September 2005, while Japan has never provided media assistance to print media such as newspapers and magazines. This is because Japan regards telecommunication and broadcasting technology as its comparative advantage and thus focuses on those projects that require it. Indeed, the chief characteristic of Japan's media assistance is that it focuses on facilities such as information and telecommunication networks instead of media content. Project contents include the improvement of production capacity and broadcasting skills, repair of ground communication systems, and provision of studio equipment. Seminars are provided to teach how to use and maintain the equipment provided through such projects as well (JICA 20046, 50). Expert training has been conducted for countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka in addition to broadcasting infrastructure assistance, which provided training for program production. However, this training tends to be a mere supplement to broadcasting in frastructure assistance projects (Sakashita 2006, 122). Within JICA, while it is the former Public Policy Department and the current Industrial Development and Public Policy Division that is in charge of democrac y assistance, the Information and Telecommunication Technology Division is in charge of media assistance. This shows that Japan's media assistance is conducted mainly as broadcasting technical assistance rather than democracy assistance, as Sakashita (2006, 122) notes.
Japan's media assistance to Afghanistan in 2002 helped broadcast the country's Loya Jirga, or national assembly, on TV via satellite. Its aim was to show the discussion at the national assembly and the process of choosing the interim president of the country to increase the legitimacy of the new administration (JICA 2004a). The political character of this assistance project was distinct compared with Japan's media assistance until then. However, the project assisted only a state hroadcasting station and did not intend to Increase the capacity of primate media's watchdog functions. In this sense, the actual content of this assistance project was state, not civil society assistance. In addition, the contents of this assistance were to upgrade broadcasting in frastructure and provide equipment and training on how to use the equipment. No assistance was provided in terms of the content of the broadcasting. No expert on free and fair broadcasting was included in its preliminary study group, and all the experts were broadcasting technical specialists, which shows the weakness of Japan's interest in supporting the role of media in democracy (JICA 2002). The project document did not set contribution to democracy as an evaluation criterion of the project, either (Sakashita 2006, 124)." (Pages 51-53)
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"A sub-text in the discourse on international development assistance is the argument that aid is not necessarily a beneficent, or sustainable, solution to the development needs of African countries. This argument raises a conceptual conundrum with respect to the many training programmes and fellowsh
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ips designed to address the skills deficits of journalists and media in Africa. While the necessity and value of such interventions may be taken for granted, a counterintuitive question arises about the extent to which beneficiaries are able nonetheless to act independently. This study sought to find out the extent to which capacity-building assistance to journalists in Ghana may have fostered or inhibited their independent practice. Individual interviews were conducted with 24 journalists to ascertain their experiences with such programmes and their subsequent dispositions towards the host country or agency. The findings showed that underlying the manifest objectives of building the capacities of beneficiaries was the implicit intent of the aid country of origin to use the media as agents of economic and cultural diplomacy. The consequent prospect of compromising the journalistic autonomy of beneficiaries of training aid brings into question their capacity to contribute to sustainable development in Ghana." (Abstract)
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"In the 1990s following the collapse of the Berlin Wall in Germany and the death of Apartheid in South Africa, several cross-national initiatives were undertaken in Africa to strengthen the role of the media in nascent democracies. Some 30 years later, several of these initiatives are dead while the
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surviving ones are on the brink of folding. This discussion takes a critical historic synopsis by exploring the conjectural and chronological foundations for such media initiatives, in particular, in the Southern African Development Community [MISA, SAMDEF and NSJ Centre]. It concludes that while much was accomplished, these foreign-inspired endeavours are no longer valid, useable or germane and ought to be abandoned. That way, Africa shall define its own urgencies, priorities and destiny without the external stimulus." (Abstract)
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"Nigerian researcher Jacob Udo-Udo Jacob compares the impact on people in the Kivu provinces of eastern DR Congo of United Nations Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO) communication programmes encouraging militia to return to the country and Radio Okapi’s informative debate programme 'D
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ialogue between Congolese' at a time, between 2008 and 2010, when Fondation Hirondelle was co-managing that radio station with the UN. He concluded that the UN communication programmes provoked emotional reactions that were not very favourable, while 'Dialogue between Congolese' gave its listeners a better understanding of the political situation and a sense of collective responsibility to resolve the conflict." (Sacha Meuter, Legal adviser and research coordinator at Fondation Hirondelle, in News from Fondation Hirondelle, Nr.54, Winter 2017-2018, page 2)
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"This study assesses the role and impact of this local radio station network as well as its sustainability prospects, focusing on four pillars of sustainability in particular: Financial sustainability: at a minimum, radio stations need to be able to support their activities, and ideally enjoy some s
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urplus for innovation. Organizational sustainability: radio stations need to have access to a level of professionalism and resources that allow it to produce and present programs of reasonable quality. Political and cultural sustainability: radio stations need to be politically enabled to perform their activities, to do so in safety, and to enjoy the support of the communities within their broadcast area. Audience sustainability: radio stations need to be able to reach a sizeable audience, and to meet this audience’s information needs and expectations. To this end, in-depth interviews with key stakeholders in the Internews/Salam Watandar story as well as those involved in media operations at the central Kabul level were combined with 10 in-depth case studies from the research sample of 30 provincial Internews-established, full Salam Watandar-partner stations. 20 in-depth interviews by phone with the remaining sample stations were added to this." (Executive summary)
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"Local radio stations have mushroomed in Africa, including Tanzania, partly due to increased support from international donors. However, research results show that the lack of economic viability is a major constraint for local radio stations. They can hardly generate sufficient revenues from adverti
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sers to sustain the station. This leads to high turnover of staff due to low pay, low quality of content, and lack of capacity in serious programming. Based on a market model, the goal of this paper is to identify these problems from both a business and a journalism perspective and to find possible solutions. The results of this analysis show that a viable economic model in Africa requires simultaneous support for three different fields, (a) development of good content, (b) development of media management capacities, and (c) media research covering the extent and satisfaction of local audiences in order to develop local advertising markets that serve local media." (Abstract)
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"In the context of the ongoing financial crisis in U.S. professional journalism, philanthropic foundation-supported nonprofits are increasingly proposed as a solution to the under-provision of civic-oriented news production. Drawing on an analysis of the social composition of boards of directors and
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interviews with foundation officials and nonprofit journalists, this article examines both the civic contributions and limitations of foundation-supported nonprofit news organizations. Foundations are shown to place many nonprofits in a Catch-22 because of competing demands to achieve both economic “sustainability” and civic “impact,” ultimately creating pressures to reproduce dominant commercial media news practices or orient news primarily for small, elite audiences. Further, media organizations dependent on foundation project-based funding risk being captured by foundation agendas and thus less able to investigate the issues they deem most important. Reforms encouraging more long-term, no-strings-attached funding by foundations, along with development of small donor and public funding, could help nonprofits overcome their current limitations." (Abstract)
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"This chapter has outlined the philosophical motivations and strategic practices of philanthrocapitalists, interrogating the key place of communication technology and media storytelling within their humanitarian activities. It also explored the central critiques of philanthrocapitalism that have eme
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rged in response, suggesting that oppositional narratives have played only a minor role in public sphere debates. Fundamentally, philanthrocapitalists have recognized the key role that advocacy plays in setting the agenda of media, policymakers, and the public, cultivating a number of powerful tools to ensure that the stones that get the most attention are those that reflect their own priorities and strategies for humanitarian action. Indeed, at a time when approximately 63 percent of Americans get their news from Facebook, the philanthrocapitalist agenda of the newly created Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative might have the best media platform yet to shape and measure the perspectives of the public. Looking forward, it seems that some balance is needed between recognizing the good work that these philanthrocapitalists can achieve, on one hand, while having opportunities to hold them accountable and propose alternative solutions, on the other." (Conclusion)
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"When Jennifer Bakody steps off the plane in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2004, she walks right into the hardest and most inspiring job an idealistic young journalist from Nova Scotia could ever imagine. Six years of war involving eight countries and several million deaths have just ended
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in a ceasefire. A week later, Bakody finds herself two thousand kilometres up the Congo River in the heart of the jungle, managing a small UN-backed radio station. Welcome to Radio Okapi Kindu. Welcome, too, to its team of hard-working local reporters determined to cover the country's rapid march towards elections. One day rebel soldiers are walking out of the jungle and handing in their weapons; the next the station is airing comedy sketches and messages asking after missing people. When a public lynching is followed by an outbreak of violence, Bakody begins to realize how little she understands Congolese politics–and how little she has at stake compared to her colleagues, several of whom will die in the next decade. Maintaining the rigour of Radio Okapi's editorial line suddenly seems like a matter of life and death. Can one small station known as the "frequency of peace" stand the strain? Radio Okapi Kindu is a touching memoir of a young journalist's coming of age and a love song to a poor but astonishingly beautiful country recovering from six years of war." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter aims to introduce the concept of an information intervention as an example of humanitarian action. Typically associated negatively with government efforts to incite conflict and tension, two case studies are explored-Haiti and Syria-to better understand how state-led information interv
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entions can contribute to the restoration of normalcy (Haiti) and the development of community-led civil society (Syria). Of course, both Haiti and Syria remain in flux, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions on the efficacy of these efforts. That said, in both cases, there is evidence of effectiveness. Reports from Haiti indicate that the information intervention provided a crucial backbone for additional humanitarian relief, without which Haitians would have faced far worse devastation. In Syria, the emergence of a robust civil society sector, despite the fact that nearly half of Syrians are now internally or externally displaced, speaks to the capacity for open communications mediums and technologies to facilitate productive storytelling and information sharing." (Conclusion)
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"Anne Skjelmerud and Ivar Evensmo, both senior advisers at the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, present a tour d'horizon of Norway's pioneering engagement to change the asymmetrical North-South news flow, a legacy of the colonial area, in order to improve the global flow of information.
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Their essay is drawn from decades of field experience and professional analysis that involves media policy and humanitarian action. Norway discovered and explored a practical partnership approach to local media support for development, peace building, democracy, and human rights in the Balkans in the 1990s. They argue that a trusted relationship must be based on sound principles of collaboration, otherwise it may be vulnerable to opportunistic behavior from both sides. The essay analyses how media development has emerged as a field of knowledge and practice. Norad's Human Rights Approach emphasizes people's rights to participation, non-discrimination, and accountability in life-saving operations. It covers development programs, advocacy and educational endeavors, while taking democratic engagement seriously. The essay gives examples of how media and communication can act as informational platforms for peace building, development and social change. However, this requires close collaboration between providers of peace and security, humanitarian and long-term development support. When done right, support to media and communication can have strong, long-term impact. They point out that today Norway is one of the ten largest international supporters of independent media and other activities promoting Freedom of Expression, which in turn has a tremendous impact on media coverage of the field of humanitarian action." (Introduction to part 3, page 132-133)
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"Protecting the independent media and the public sphere presents an epic challenge, but there is great opportunity for philanthropy to step up and help." (Introduction)