"The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) has commissioned iMedia Associates (iMedia) to conduct a Capitalisation Exercise (CapEx) of its media assistance, with the primary objective of examining its current programmes and bringing out lessons learned. As the second output of this CapE
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x, iMedia has carried out a review of what other donors are doing on media assistance. As agreed, it focuses on current media support by five donors/agencies: DFID (UK Aid), Sida (Sweden), UNESCO, UNDP and the Knight Foundation. We have chosen the five donors to reflect the diversity of donor-types, namely two large and influential Western donors (UK’s DFID and Swedish Sida), agencies in the UN system (UNDP and UNESCO) and a well-endowed US-based private foundation (Knight Foundation). This review of other donors also synthesises key findings from a literature review of the wider media assistance sector in order to identify good practice and situate SDC’s approach in relation to other donors. Our emphasis is on current programmes, policy documents and funding mechanisms." (Introduction)
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"The organization has grown since the last evaluation in 2007, with the number of chapters expanding from seven to twelve. The membership comprises 45 other countries, some with the capacity to become chapters. Whether IAWRT is in a phase of expansion or consolidation is unclear, as there is no stra
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tegy in place and opinions in the matter seem to vary within the leadership and membership of the organization. Addressing the issue of possible expansion needs to take into account whether the organization currently has the required capacity and routines to support and follow up new chapters as well as individual members. Besides, there is also confusion when it comes to the actual number of members due to conflicting information. The decision to make a virtual secretariat has saved the organization money, but the survey indicate that this has gone unnoticed by a majority of the membership. Good developments have taken place, but the current ineffective structure of communication remains a challenge that also affects the secretariat’s ability to perform their best." (Executive summary, page 2)
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"Twelve cooperation projects with external funding (voluntary contribution or jointly funded by the European Union) are currently underway amounting to 7 429 398 Euros in all. Some activities are also financed by the ordinary budget of the Council of Europe. Approximately 153 activities were organis
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ed since May 2017. The work in the field of freedom of expression and media freedom encompassed a very broad range of activities such as legal expertise, training programs, seminars, conferences and other events with the participation mainly of public officials, media professionals and civil society. The constant strive to look for links and synergy between the various projects is an added value of cooperation activities. Best practices and results achieved are constantly shared with others through bilateral and regional networking." (Summary)
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"The overall goal of the workshop was to find new and innovative ways in supporting media in increasingly challenging contexts and to enhance effectiveness of current approaches in order to boost democratisation processes and governance (principles such as citizen participation, efficiency in public
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service delivery and accountability). It sought specifically to get insights from different actors on: Potential, limitations and risks bilateral donors face when engaging with media; Experiences, lessons learned and best practices related to media engagement that can be inspirational to SDC; Potential and challenges of digital media; Options for currents programmes to reinforce and/or integrate the media sector into the existing governance portfolio." (Objectives, page 3)
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"This is a review of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation’s (SDC) media assistance by consultants from iMedia. The aim is to capitalise on SDC’s experience of media over the last 10 years. The objective is to examine the organisation’s current media assistance programmes and bring
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out lessons learned. NB: this is not an evaluation report but it does end with some conclusions and recommendations offered from iMedia’s independent perspective." (Executive summary)
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"La nature de l’enseignement et l’évaluation de la pertinence du choix des formateurs sont également sujettes à caution. En effet, 54,3 % des participants estiment que les contenus dispensés ne sont pas adaptés au contexte national. D’une certaine manière, ceci est confirmé par les form
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ateurs eux-mêmes puisque 82,3 % d’entre eux estiment ne pas connaître, ou très peu, les réalités du journalisme en Tunisie. D’une certaine manière, ceci est confirmé par les formateurs eux-mêmes puisque 82,3 % d’entre eux estiment ne pas connaître, ou très peu, les réalités du journalisme en Tunisie. De nombreux élèves ont été amenés à mettre en cause, ouvertement (pendant les sessions) ou dans le cadre des entretiens, le caractère décontextualisé ou inadapté des formations. Au-delà, il existe une corrélation entre les évaluations négatives des formations et le nombre de formations suivies par les participants. Ceux qui ont suivi plus de cinq formations (18,9 % de l’ensemble des participants) estiment à 86,3 % qu’elles ne sont pas adaptées pour plusieurs raisons : elles ne sont pas coordonnées ou harmonisées; ce qui est enseigné d’une formation à l’autre présente des aspects contradictoires; les méthodes ne sont pas praticables dans leur rédaction. Enfin, l’évaluation des formations ne semble pas pouvoir contribuer à adapter plus finement les formules pédagogiques puisque la prise en compte de la mise en pratique des contenus dispensés, sur la courte ou la moyenne durée, ne fait pas partie du protocole des opérateurs. La viabilité et l’assimilation des contenus in situ ne sont donc pas prises en considération." (Paragraphe 25)
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"This publication takes a look at current developments in the .eld of audience research in media development and presents three case studies testing innovative methods that can be of use for research, monitoring, and evaluation. They are meant as an orientation and inspirational source for future pr
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ojects in this domain. Based on the information assembled in this study we make the case that media development needs audience research to improve its projects. Media development actors need to know more about the impact on their final beneficiaries if they want their work to be truly successful. However, it does not always make sense for media development actors to conduct or commission expensive and broadly representative research. Budgets and project sizes are limited, and often the results of market or academic research efforts are on´of very general use to a particular media development project in question. Therefore ways have to be found to conduct focused audience research in media development – in order to gain specific and relevant knowledge directly related to the interventions. The three case studies we present in this publication are directly related to ongoing media development projects. They apply tailor-made approaches to a particular setting. On top of this, we have assembled more general knowledge from the literature and past studies in audience research that are of relevance here." (Executive summary)
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"This article analyzes the 2015 campaign by net neutrality advocates against Facebook’s Free Basics service in India, and argues that their victory can be best understood by analyzing their privileged place in an India that imagines itself high tech and global. The advocates, predominantly tech wo
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rkers, loosely organized under the banner of Save the Internet (STI) echoing the net neutrality debate in the United States. The article assesses the competing claims and modes of contention of both Facebook and STI, and examines how STI’s appeals were able to mobilize public opinion in record numbers. I argue that STI formed a ‘recursive public’, which practiced a technopolitics that resonated within the broader narrative of technocultural nationalism championed by the current ruling party. I trace the historical origins of this dominant discourse that eventually led the regulator to ban all zero-ratings plans, including Free Basics." (Abstract)
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"In a highly competitive media landscape, BBC Media Action’s governance programmes reached 52.8 million people in 2014 (and an estimated 64.6 million cumulatively), representing more than half the adult population of the country. One reason for this success was the brokering of radio partnerships
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that ensured distribution of radio content across the country. In contrast to other countries that held elections during the course of the Global Grant project, the Nigerian programmes managed to sustain their high level of audience engagement after the elections. This was achieved by: adapting the content to topical issues; transitioning from focusing on encouraging peaceful elections to holding elected officials to account; and encouraging officials to follow up on their electoral promises. Across the five years, the project managed to increase the percentage of rural and female listeners. The Hausa outputs (Mu Tattauna and Gatanan Gatanan Ku) were particularly effective at reaching these groups in northern Nigeria. The debate and discussion programmes were successful at enabling people to question officials directly and audiences appreciated hearing a diverse range of views and opinions. This speaks directly to the project’s objective of encouraging dialogue and understanding of diverse points of view. The dramas were effective at role modelling how people could resolve conflicts, question officials and participate in civic life. By showcasing scenarios people could relate to, their storylines helped ordinary people and leaders understand their rights and responsibilities and how democratic processes work. Those exposed to these factual and drama outputs knew more, discussed more and participated more in politics even when controlling for other factors that may influence these outcomes (such as age, income, education and interest in politics). Despite Nigerians remaining cynical about the willingness and ability of politicians to respond to their needs, the programmes were particularly effective at encouraging people who had not participated in public life before to do so." (Key findings from the research)
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"Funded by DFID, under the Global Grant project, BBC Media Action produced three seasons of the weekly TV and radio programme Sema Kenya (Kenya Speaks). Sema Kenya featured a moderated discussion between a live panel of officials and an audience of ‘ordinary’ Kenyans and was designed to enable i
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ndividuals, communities and governments to be better informed and more engaged in tackling governance challenges. Alongside this, BBC Media Action delivered a mentoring programme, initially with six local radio stations, and later with the national broadcaster Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), which has the largest footprint in the country. Through this work, BBC Media Action aimed to strengthen the capacity of Kenya’s media sector to produce governance programming that supported and mainstreamed the overall objectives of the project at both the local and national level. [...] Sema Kenya contributed to people being more informed about and engaged in politics. Audiences were more knowledgeable about politics, discussed it more with friends and family, felt more confident in their ability to influence political processes and participated more in governance related activities (particularly at the community level) – all factors that support bottom-up accountability. Audiences themselves linked Sema Kenya with these outcomes. This finding was validated by analysis confirming a significant positive relationship between watching or listening to Sema Kenya and consistently higher knowledge, discussion and confidence to engage in politics, even when taking into account other factors that might influence these outcomes (such as education, age and interest in politics). While Sema Kenya’s audience was more likely to participate in politics, qualitative research respondents rarely attributed their actions directly to what they had heard on Sema Kenya. This reflects findings from advanced quantitative analysis (structural equation modelling) that suggests the link between Sema Kenya and increased political participation is indirect and mediated by political knowledge, discussion and self-efficacy. Supported by an extensive network of broadcast partners that stretched across all 47 counties in Kenya, the discussion programme reached an estimated 12.7 million people over three seasons, with a peak audience of 5.7 million in 2013 – the year of the general election. The show also maintained a loyal audience throughout all three seasons, with around half of all those reached annually tuning in for at least every second episode." (Executive summary, pages 6-7)
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"Funding to support independent media remains a small, but vital part of international assistance. But while the share of aid directed at this issue remains steady, there are signs that priorities within this field of international support may be shifting. This report looks at the trends identified
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by CIMA in its efforts to profile the major donors in the field of media development assistance, situating the emerging priorities within a brief history of the field. Assistance to media development, the report suggests, is beginning to acknowledge the importance of supporting media ecosystems more broadly, though perhaps not as quickly as some observers would like." (Key findings)
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"This article intends to provide responses to some of the many unanswered questions about the making and the transformation of the uprising in Syria by exploring a new avenue of research: media development aid. Most academic interest has been oriented towards the role that the new media played at th
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e time of the uprising; insufficient interest, by contrast, has been directed to the development of the sector in the years predating it. What emerges from this article is that the Syrian media landscape was strongly supported by international development aid during the years prior to the outbreak of the uprising of 2011. By looking at the complex structure of media aid architecture and investigating the practices and programmes implemented by some representative organisations, this article reflects on the field of media development as a new modus operandi of the West (the EU and US especially), to promote democracy through alternative and non-collateral, bottom-up support." (Abstract)
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"This paper discusses a number of ways in which media plays a part in increasing accountability. It draws on quantitative and qualitative data from BBC Media Action’s work in nine countries. It finds that: media can influence accountability by empowering people, creating opportunities for construc
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tive public debate and influencing power; development donors and practitioners need to integrate media more fully into their empowerment and accountability strategies. In 2017 BBC Media Action will complete a six year, multi-country project to support improved accountability through public dialogue. Partnering with over 135 media and civil society organisations, BBC Media Action supported broadcast programmes that have reached more than 190 million people. In 2016, the governance programmes supported by BBC Media Action reached an average of 37% of the adult population of the countries in which they were broadcast. This paper seeks to explore how the lessons from that support can contribute to the wider empowerment and accountability agenda, and to set out challenges for the future of media, empowerment and accountability work." (BBC Media Action website)
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"More than US $441 million was spent on media development worldwide in 2012, with African countries receiving 28% of that amount. This funding came from a variety of sources, including both established Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries and emerging donors such as China. These countrie
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s and their funds represent a plethora of diverse governmental systems as well as media systems, such as public service broadcasting, privatised media, community media and, in the case of China, state-run media. This paper looks at the divergent approaches to media and development promoted by both DAC countries and China, and how ideologies have led these actors to pursue similar styles of public diplomacy and political intervention through the front of media development aid." (Abstract)
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