"Since October 2016, Cameroon has been involved in a violent conflict known as the Anglophone Crisis. This study examines the impact of the hashtag #MyAnglophoneCrisisStory on Twitter in capturing and amplifying the stories of people affected by the crisis. Using R, the authors extracted and analyze
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d tweets using this hashtag that were posted between 21 October 2020 and 3 November 2020. Only tweets posted in English and French languages were included. To understand the content of the tweets, the authors inductively coded and manually analyzed a total of 1064 tweets, replies, and comments. A categorical analysis revealed the presence of three different types of tweets: ‘Story’, ‘Response to Story’, and ‘Awareness and Advocacy’. The ‘Story’ category had four distinct themes: (1) Senseless Loss of Life: Shot and Killed; (2) The Disappeared: Lost and Kidnapped; (3) On the Move/Elusive Safety: Escape, Displacement; and (4) Prevention and Trauma, Mental Health, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. This study supports the concept that even short tweets can have a significant impact and signals the need for more attention and research on this overlooked conflict. Future work can involve the use of more advanced analysis tools to conduct a more thorough examination of tweets." (Abstract)
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"In order to spread Russian narratives about Ukraine that create a false impression of the country among external and internal audiences, the Russian Federation uses a whole complex of information and communication channels. Their main task is to replace the target audience's existing ideas about th
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e real, factual state of affairs with ideas that are considered to be more beneficial to the aggressor country. Russia rejects democratic principles and Ukraine's desire for a European future. Depending on the tasks and results (successes/failures) of operations to influence the internal politics of Ukraine and the formation of its image among the Western audience, Russian narratives changed from a presentation of Ukrainians and Russians as “brotherly” peoples or even one people to the importance of the complete extermination of "Ukrainian nationalists and Nazis," denial of the very existence of Ukrainians as a distinct ethnic group (thereby “justifying” genocide), returning supposed "historical territories of Russia," and promoting the idea that Ukraine has never really been a proper state or is a historic mistake. The narratives of Russian propaganda intertwine, sometimes reinforcing and sometimes contradicting each other. But whatever the Russian narrative may be, its main goal is to undermine Ukraine’s democratic development and its integration into the Western world, to weaken the desire of Ukrainians to determine their future outside Russian influence, within the European family, as well as to weaken international support for Ukraine. The Kremlin's disinformation campaign led to the emergence of a number of stereotypes that influenced the decision-making of Ukraine's partners at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, which led to numerous human casualties, the destruction of Ukrainian economy and infrastructure, and a real threat to the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Fortunately, Ukraine has persevered. Unbreakable people of an unbreakable country continues its fight not only for itself but the whole democratic world." (Summary)
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"From Ethiopia to Sudan, there has been significant concern about the role of hate speech and incitement on social media to promote offline violence and, at its most extreme, genocide. These questions have become more urgent with the growth of large language models and Artificial Intelli-gence that
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are increasingly shaping online speech and may amplify existing concerns. In this paper, we interrogate the assumptions and myths about the causal link between online speech and its impact on the offline world by evaluating the empirical evidence. Overall, we found that there is limited ev-idence pointing to this direct association and, in line with broader literature on the underlying causes of violence, our review points to longer-term contextual, historical, and economic factors that often drive conflict, particularly in Africa. We conclude by identifying major evidence gaps and highlighting the need for caution when attributing the impact of online hate speech on violence." (Abstract)
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"Online media is a blessing and a curse for academic research on war. On the one hand, the internet provides unprecedented access to information from conflict zones. On the other hand, the prevalence of disinformation can make it difficult to use this information in a transparent way. This article p
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roposes digital forensic process tracing as a methodological innovation to tackle this challenge and make case study research on the causes of war fit for the social media age. It argues that two important features of process-tracing methodology – source criticism and Bayesian updating – are well developed in theory but are rarely applied to the study of armed conflict. Digital forensic process tracing applies these features to online media sources by drawing on the journalistic practice of open source intelligence (OSINT) analysis. This article uses the case of the war in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region to illustrate the usefulness of the proposed methodology." (Abstract)
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"This article offers a qualitative analysis of how, by adopting identity-related discourses whose meanings resonate within a given culture, Russian state propaganda strives to bolster “the truth status” of its Ukraine war claims. These discourses, we argue, have long historical lineages and thus
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are expected to be familiar to audiences. We identify three such discourses common in many contexts but with specific resonances in Russia, those of colonialism/decolonization, imperialism, and the imaginary West. The article demonstrates that these same discourses also inform war-related coverage in Russophone oppositional media. Russian state-affiliated and oppositional actors further share “floating signifiers,” particularly “the Russian people,” “historical Russia,” “the Russian world,” “Ukraine,” “fascism/Nazism,” and “genocide,” while according them radically different meanings. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of studying how state propaganda works at the level of discourses, and the acutely dialogical processes by which disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts are produced and consumed." (Abstract)
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"Zwischen dem 19.09.2022 und 18.09.2023 wurde das Projekt „Narrative über den Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine“ (NUK, im Folgenden NUK) vom Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD Germany) im Auftrag der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung/bpb umgesetzt. Ziel des Projekts war es, Desinformati
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on gegenüber ukrainischen Geflüchteten innerhalb russisch- und arabischsprachiger Communities in Deutschland mithilfe von vier online verbreiteten Erklärvideos zu beleuchten. Dieser Abschlussbericht stellt die zentralen Ergebnisse der Analysen zu Desinformationsnarrativen dar, skizziert den Entstehungsprozess sowie die Inhalte der Videos und führt eine Evaluation der Verbreitung der Videos durch." (Seite 3)
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"This article examines the war discourse on Russian television, particularly in political talk show broadcasts aired after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The question of how the two conflicting parties, Russia and Ukraine, are portrayed verbally and visually in these shows is s
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pecifically emphasized. While the quantitative analysis traces a massive increase in Russian talk show broadcasts since the beginning of the war, the Critical Discourse Analysis demonstrates which strategies are utilized to demonise and defame the Ukrainian side and to legitimise the war. By comparing the current war discourse with the Ukraine discourse in 2014, this study shows that talk shows have undertaken a significant role in supporting the war and have become a puissant didactic tool to influence and manipulate public opinion by perennially repeating key governmental messages and efficiently orchestrating all visual, verbal, and non-verbal means at their disposal." (Abstract)
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"Scholars have recently suggested that a peaceocracy is emerging in nations experiencing intermittent conflicts. A peaceocracy is an institutionalised political strategy – rather than a political system – that aims to promote stability in states considered fragile. While scholars know how the pr
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ess functions in a democracy, little is still known about how a peaceocracy shapes journalism. This article explores the Kenyan context to illuminate how the press co-opts a peaceocratic discourse and discusses its implications to the profession. We pose that a political consensus between the state and the press foments a strong peace-building discourse that challenges professional autonomy. Secondly, in a peaceocracy, the state takes the role of the guardian of peace and the press, a promoter of peace, both of which legitimise a degree of restriction on press freedom." (Abstract)
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"This paper draws on previous work in the fields of conflict studies and journalism studies, as well as empirical work by the authors on the normative language of conflict journalism to argue that this subfield of journalism appears to have increasingly ‘moved house’ from the normative universe
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of institutional journalism to that of professional humanitarianism. We describe three shifts that are taking (or have taken) place whose effects may include a transformation of ideas around ‘what conflict journalism is for’ and how it understands its presence in armed conflict. (Abstract).
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"Las emisoras de paz se encuentran en un punto de quiebre. Esta esperanzadora política de Estado, que se empezó a implementar como una estrategia de reconciliación hace siete años, después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz, está enfrentando retos profundos, como las amenazas en contra de las emis
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oras que están en funcionamiento y la incertidumbre sobre su sostenibilidad a largo plazo. En 2016, con el Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Farc-EP, las partes acordaron la creación de veinte estaciones radiales en diferentes municipios que resultaban estratégicos para fomentar la convivencia y la reconciliación. Estas emisoras están bajo la dirección del Sistema de Medios Públicos RTVC y la primera emisora se inauguró en Chaparral, en Tolima, el 25 de junio de 2019. Actualmente, operan dieciséis y se estima que las cuatro restantes comiencen a funcionar en el primer semestre del 2024.
Comunicar la paz en un país inmerso en un nuevo capítulo de conflictos territoriales ha presentado desafíos para las y los periodistas. Hablar de iniciativas de paz, de las iniciativas de las comunidades o denunciar la presencia de nuevos grupos supone riesgos e implica que estas emisoras también estén constantemente en la mira. Ante la ausencia de garantías de protección y seguridad, las estrategias que se han empleado son defensivas, como el silenciamiento selectivo de temas y la cautela en sus desplazamientos por los municipios. Esto ha implicado dejar de hablar de ciertos asuntos, cancelar espacios informativos o tener que acudir a la fuerza a encuentros con grupos armados. A esto se suman los señalamientos de funcionarios públicos o figuras políticas hacia las voces que controvierte el poder, la impunidad que empaña la justicia y el impacto psicológico y emocional de trabajar en contextos violentos. Las emisoras de paz se han convertido en un laboratorio para la comunicación y el periodismo y su corta experiencia constata que la reconstrucción de la paz pasa por un cambio en la forma en que se relata y se vive en las regiones. Sin embargo, para que estos proyectos continúen aportando a la reconstrucción del tejido social, es necesario un mayor respaldo y fortalecimiento gubernamental, el diseño de protocolos de seguridad, medidas de autoprotección y la preservación a largo plazo de estos espacios." (https://flip.org.co)
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"Propaganda has been an age-old part of warmongering. It is thus no surprise that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was preceded by, and continues to be fuelled by, propaganda transmitted by state-controlled Russian media. What is more unusual about the Russian (dis)information campaigns is the sheer
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volume of distorted narratives or complete fictional accounts about the conflict. This article explores the content and technologies of Russian information manipulation of domestic audiences in the context of the invasion of Ukraine. We also examine the bases for the sustained robust public support for the war within Russia during the first 12 months of the conflict, despite being based on mostly fabricated (dis)information. Relying on political psychology and communication theory we explain how emotions and associative memories have played an important role in the Russian public's sustained approval to the war. Our findings point to that in the absence of contrasted and independently-verified information, the volume, frequency, emotional intensity of slick, plug-and-play media packages on Ukraine have acted to displace and distort the average Russian's associative social monitoring processes." (Abstract)
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"This report highlights adaptations and innovations by Ukrainians in their struggle against Moscow’s disinformation machine. As part of the project, the International Forum on Democratic Studies conducted more than fifty expert interviews and hosted a series of convenings with experts from Ukraine
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and across Europe which inform the analysis. Companion essays—one from Ukraine, the other from Central Europe—provide more context and details on the ways in which locally based organizations are learning to meet the challenge. The research identified three advantages—deep preparation, open networks of cooperation, and active utilization of new technology—that have allowed civil society organizations and governments in Ukraine and Central and Eastern Europe to build trust and tell Ukraine’s story, unite Ukrainians and their allies, and ensure resilience in the face of authoritarian disinformation campaigns." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Ce numéro porte un regard critique sur la crise que traverse actuellement la Province du Nord Kivu, et la RDC en général, à cause de la nouvelle guerre imposée au pays par le mouvement rebelle M23. Connaissant une période sécuritaire sombre qui y a motivé l’instauration d’un État de si
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ège, la Province du Nord-Kivu, et plus particulièrement dans les Territoires de Rutshuru et Masisi, est encore objet d’attaques du Mouvement du 23 mars (M23). Dans ces Territoires et dans une moindre mesure celui de Nyiragongo, le son assourdissant et macabre des armes n’arrête pas de sonner dans les oreilles des citoyens contraints à fuir leurs lieux de résidence pour vivre à la merci des intempéries et d’une pénurie humanitaire sans nom dans des camps des déplacés comme refugiés de guerre dans leur propre pays. Il trouble la tranquillité de ces derniers et les assomme, prétendument suite à la non-exécution des accords dits du 23 mars 2009 entre le Gouvernement congolais et le Congrès National pour la Défense du peuple (CNDP)." (Dos de couverture)
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"This study aimed to determine the impact of safety challenges on professional journalistic reporting of IPOB protests in Nigeria. A total of 400 Nigerian journalists who were covering IPOB activities were surveyed. Data were analysed using multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), multivariate an
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alysis of covariance (MANCOVA) and correlational analysis. The result of the study showed that journalists recovering IPOB activities in South East Nigeria faced safety challenges both online (verbal abuse, threat of attack, personal messages of harassment and reputational threats) and offline (physical attacks, harassment, damage to working devices) safety challenges. Additional results showed that women faced more safety challenges online than men, but men faced more offline safety challenges than women. Put together, women faced both online and offline safety challenges more than men. Also, journalists in private media outfits faced offline challenges than their counterparts in public media stations who faced more online safety challenges. Put together, journalists in private media stations faced more safety challenges than those in public media outfits. Safety challenges impact professional journalistic reporting in the area of routines, orientation and autonomy. Training was found to be an efficient way of assisting journalists to better handle risky assignments." (Abstract)
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