"The key statistical findings for the region are that electrical and electronic equipment (EEE) placed on the market (POM) increased by 30 per cent from 3.2 megatons (Mt), or 8.8 kilograms per inhabitant (kg/inh), in 2010 to 4.1 Mt (or 9.5 kg/inh) in 2019. The Arab States mostly import, rather than
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manufacture, EEE; the domestic generation of EEE is therefore very limited, and they rely on imports of EEE POM. Over the same period of time, e waste generation in the region increased by 61 per cent from 1.8 Mt (4.9 kg/inh) in 2010 to 2.8 Mt (6.6 kg/inh) in 2019. The largest e-waste generator is Saudi Arabia, with 595 kilotons (kt) (or 13.2 kg/inh) of e-waste, while the lowest is Comoros (0.6 kt, or 0.7 kg/inh), which reflects the vast diversity of the region. The e-waste generated encompasses a variety of products, with small equipment (category 5 in EU Directive 2012/19/EU, on waste electrical and electronic equipment, also known as the WEEE Directive), temperature exchange equipment (category 1) and large equipment (category 4) comprising the highest share of e-waste generated, for a total of 76 per cent. The annual growth rate is positive for all categories of e-waste, with the exception of screens and monitors (category 2), which shows negative growth rates. Nevertheless, a declining trend has been observed, meaning that the pace of growth has slowed over time for most products. From the information gathered, the Arab States appear to have collected and managed a total of 2.2 kt (0.01 kg/inh) of e-waste in 2019, which equates to a collection rate of 0.1 per cent, compared to e-waste generated. However, it is worth highlighting that data on e-waste collection and on environmentally sound management (ESM) was available for only four Arab States. E-waste collection for ESM takes place in Jordan, the State of Palestine(1), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Jordan has the highest e-waste collection rate of 2.6 per cent (equivalent to 0.1 kg/inh), followed by Qatar (0.5 per cent, or 0.07 kg/inh). Egypt has seven licensed treatment facilities for e-waste, but it was unable to provide official data on the amount of e-waste collected and managed." (Executive summary, pages 11-12)
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"This report provides an overview of the comparative innovation capacity of the Africa region through ICT-centric Innovation policy monitors and shares insights about good practices strengthening the capacity to integrate ICT innovation in national development agendas. Overall, although sub-Saharan
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Africa has benefited from rapidly growing innovation systems, its performance in the three engines of growth must improve for the region to become a real actor on the global stage. Nigeria for example, has an entrepreneurial ecosystem that is performing well, while its technological and innovation ecosystems need further support to turn the country into a thriving digital innovation ecosystem.
To understand these discrepancies, the report introduces two ICT-centric innovation policy monitors: the three engines of growth monitor and the enablers of digital transformation monitor. The report notes that there are many good practices in the region fuelling the entrepreneurial journey. Each practice presented in the report was analysed based on its impact in a third ICT-centric innovation policy monitor, the ecosystem maturity map monitor. Each stakeholder group, at each of the five stages of the entrepreneurial journey, is assessed by its level of engagement to assess the maturity of the ecosystem. For example, the first stage of the journey for entrepreneurs is entrepreneurial interest, while for the public sector, it is having a vision and strategy. The monitor enables stakeholders to visualize the maturity of the ICT-centric innovation ecosystem and identify which practices to keep, which must be improved and which to replace." (Introduction)
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"In 2019, the Fund partnered with Purposeful, a feminist movement-building hub for adolescent girls, to pilot a participatory grant-making initiative in Sierra Leone aimed at promoting youth leadership and amplifying the voices of young people. As our first foray into realizing the potential of part
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icipatory grant-making, this experience taught us many valuable lessons about how to foster genuine participation of children and young people.
A targeted and intentional approach to reach a diverse group of children and youth is essential. This helps prevent a participatory process that only benefits young people in urban areas and those from higher socio-economic backgrounds.
We also learned that true participation requires letting go of power while ensuring that young people have what they need to make meaningful and informed decisions. Support to child and youth-led groups should go beyond grant money to include a comprehensive package of grantee-led learning and accompaniment.
The biggest lesson is about the need to be open and flexible throughout the process. Being willing to adapt as we went along allowed us to respond and make changes (almost) in real time. It also allowed us to learn from the young people about what it means to use your voice and make yourself heard in ways far beyond what we could have anticipated." (Executive summary)
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"The Nigerian media scene is notably vibrant, which can be perceived as a democratization of communication and liberalization of the press where anyone with the means to own a media establishment can do so. Thus, the challenge with the Nigerian media is no longer the issue of access but, rather, tha
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t of accountability, which, undoubtedly, is the strong anchor for good media practice. This chapter examines the field of media accountability (MA) in the country, focusing on the structures that define accountability among media practitioners in addition to taking a look at emerging innovative practices that encourage MA. The authors argue that MA exists in Nigeria but is in a continuous struggle with such militating factors as ownership, insufficient press freedom, poor or inadequate remuneration for journalists, a hostile working environment for journalists, lack of formal education/training on the part of some journalists, weak self-regulatory mechanisms, and biases in political and cultural environments. These factors tend to limit the extent to which media practitioners can be committed to accountability." (Abstract)
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"Cette évaluation de l'écosystème de l'information documente comment l'information autour de la pandémie de la COVID-19 est produite au Mali ainsi que les pratiques informationnelles des Populations Déplacées internes (PDI) dans les régions de Bamako, Ségou, Sikasso, Mopti et Tombouctou. Ell
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e s'appuie sur des entretiens approfondis et des discussions de groupe avec des membres de la communauté des Populations Déplacées Internes (PDI) vivant dans des camps de déplacés, des organisations humanitaires, des responsables étatiques et des professionnels de l'information ainsi que sur les données quantitatives d’une enquête menée à Bamako et Ségou. Il existe une multitude de médias avec des profils différents. Parmi eux, nous pouvons retenir les télévisions et les radios (publiques, privées, communautaires et confessionnelles), les médias numériques (le web, les médias sociaux), et la presse écrite (journaux quotidiens, publications périodiques) ainsi que les organismes professionnels liés à la diffusion de l'information. La pénétration des médias sociaux peut varier d’une région à une autre. Les populations des villes accèdent aussi plus facilement aux médias sociaux à cause de la limitation géographique de certains fournisseurs. Malgré cette apparente saturation de l'environnement médiatique, l’Enquête Démographique et de Santé (EDS 2018) démontre que 39% de femmes et 31% des hommes de la population malienne en général ne sont exposés à aucun média comme source d'information." (Résumé sommaire)
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"Cette évaluation de l’écosystème de l’information vise à établir une compréhension des dynamiques de l’information dans le contexte des populations déplacées dans plusieurs localités du pays : Bangui, Paoua, Bozoum, Berberati, Sibut, Bambari, Ndélé, Kaga-Bandoro et Rafaï. Cette re
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cherche est basée sur des entretiens approfondis et des discussions de groupe focus avec des membres de la communauté des populations déplacées internes vivant dans des camps, des organisations humanitaires et de la société civile, des fonctionnaires et des professionnels, ainsi que des données quantitatives issues de deux enquêtes (face-à-face à Bangui et par téléphone à travers le pays)." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Digital technology, while an important enabler of many COVID-19 mitigation measures, has also contributed to the rise of misinformation and disinformation surrounding the pandemic. The circulation of rumours, conspiracy theories, false claims and misconceptions about the novel coronavirus has had a
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pronounced impact on the world. Leveraging digital tools to facilitate access to reliable (and potentially life-saving) information and reduce exposure to misinformation and disinformation is a new skill that policy makers and communities at large need to master in the context of the events of the past two years.
Some efforts have been successful, while others have faced challenges and stalled. While the situation remains globally fluid and continues to evolve, it is possible to conclude that there is a wealth of innovative applications of ICT for infodemic management. The choice, design and implementation of any given solution or strategy need to be supported through a number of steps that should be coordinated and comprehensive in scope." (Conclusion, page 60)
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"Definitions of impunity regarding crimes against journalists have thus far been too narrow. Therefore, we propose a new approach to understanding impunity as also being grounded in journalists’ lived reality and perceptions to better understand the complexity and breadth of impunity. It is based
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on the findings obtained through a set of semi-structured interviews with 40 editors and senior journalists in five countries and expressed in a new typology of impunity. We argue that what we call the ‘Politics of Impunity’ is a policy of governance whereby impunity is used as a political tool by the state and state-sponsored actors to achieve journalistic self-censorship. This is done through the deliberate deprivation of private autonomy brought about by the enforced exile of journalists into a ‘space of exception’ where they are both within and beyond the law. The exercise of the ‘Politics of Impunity’ in an increasing number of states creates an environment that only allows for politically compliant journalism." (Abstract)
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"Mit Covid-19 hat sich eine todbringende Pandemie erstmals global verbreitet, mit weitreichenden Folgen auf allen Ebenen, auch für Mobilität und Kommunikation in Kirche, Mission und weltweiter Ökumene. Partnerschaftsreisen oder Auslandsjahre für junge Freiwillige sind ausgefallen, stattdessen si
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nd Zoom-Meetings und neue digitale Formate auf den Plan getreten: „Online durch die Pandemie“, die Krise als Lern- und Experimentierfeld für die Zukunft. Davon erzählen die gut 20 Autor*innen des Jahrbuchs 2021, aus Tansania und Nambia, aus Indien und Deutschland. Die Pandemie hat großes Leid verursacht, aber sie hat auch neue kreative Kräfte und Erfahrungen ermöglicht. Etwa dass Christ*innen anderswo gelassener sind und Anteil nehmen: „Wir kennen uns aus mit Seuchen, für euch ist das neu“, sagt eine Kongolesin, „darum beten wir jetzt für euch in Europa." (Buchrücken)
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"Radio is the dominant news source in Liberia, tuned in “every day” or “a few times a week” by 87% of adults. Almost four in 10 citizens (38%) say they regularly get news from the Internet and social media, while only about one in five are regular consumers of news via television (21%) and n
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ewspapers (16%). Three-fourths (76%) of Liberians say the media should “constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption.” Six in 10 citizens (61%) say the media should be free to publish without government interference. But only one in five (19%) see Liberia’s media as “somewhat” or “completely” free. Despite support for media freedom, majorities say the government should be able to restrict the sharing of false information (74%), information that criticizes or insults the president (69%), hate speech (68%), and information or opinions that the government disapproves of (59%). Politicians (76%) and government officials (74%) are most widely seen as knowingly spreading false information. Among Liberians who have heard of social media, most (80%) see its impact on society as positive, although majorities also think it makes people more susceptible to fake news (73%) and more intolerant of other viewpoints (66%). More than seven in 10 Liberians (72%) say access to social media and the Internet should not be regulated by the government." (Key findings, page 2)
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"Les analyses et réflexions axées sur la problématique de la communication de crise en Côte d’Ivoire permettent, d’une part, de révéler les sources, les enjeux et les conséquences de la communication publique et globale en période de crise. Elles mènent, d’autre part, à observer de n
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ombreuses entropies, notamment la communication zéro et les incommunications, qui sont des actions et pensées attentatoires à la communication positive et efficace. Cet ouvrage, à travers des cas, évoque les paradigmes de la communication de crise et propose la gestion méthodique ou professionnelle de la communication en contexte de crise. Il s’agit des situations de communication de crise qui dévoilent l’impériosité de la prospective systémique et dynamique de la communication en société, surtout en situation de crise." (Dos de couverture)
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"En 1981, la loi autorisait les radios associatives françaises à diffuser leurs émissions en modulation de fréquence après une « bataille » qui a fait l’objet d’un autre livre chez le même éditeur : Radios libres, 30 ans de FM. La parole libérée ? (2016). Quarante années plus tard, p
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rès de 640 d’entre elles continuent à émettre quotidiennement, à côté d’autres stations locales, les unes publiques, les autres commerciales. Fruit du travail de plusieurs spécialistes, cet ouvrage revient sur les origines de ces radios locales. Mais il examine surtout leur devenir, les relations aux territoires - en métropole, d’outre-mer, en Belgique et au Congo - ainsi que leur mise en réseau politique, économique et technique." (Dos de couverture)
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"After a recent contested election, the Central African Republic finds itself in a precarious situation. Violence around the election combined with the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 and destructive flooding have caused the humanitarian emergency to reach its worst state in five years. Meanwhile
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, the CAR government has been accused of engaging in Russian-backed disinformation campaigns targeting domestic civil society, French diplomats and the United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINUSCA), threatening key relationships. Even as the long-simmering issue of hate speech continues to draw fault lines through the country, efforts to combat these campaigns have focused primarily on challenging fake news rather than addressing the underlying fear and prejudice that spoilers use to stoke conflict." (Introduction)
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"This study examined perceptions on the effectiveness, attendant challenges and remedies of community media for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages. The qualitative survey design was adopted with focus group discussions and key informant interviews of 50 purposively chosen informants. It w
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as perceived that community media could serve as veritable platform for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages since they would engender the setting of acculturation in Nigerian languages as national objective or goal. It was further held that the strengths of community media for acculturation were in being goal-defined, ensuring local content and diversification. The study identified that as palatable as the proposal for community media for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages is, it would be fraught with some set-backs or challenges that were very much surmountable. Perceptions pointed towards transient nature of community media and funding as challenges as well as multibased funding as one remedy. Immediate establishment of community media for the purpose of acculturation in Nigerian languages was recommended." (Abstract)
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"This book explores the relationship between the safety of journalists and self-censorship practices around the world, including local case studies and regional and international perspectives. Bringing together scholars and practitioners from around the globe, Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship p
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rovides new and updated insights into patterns of self-censorship and free speech, focusing on a variety of factors that affect these issues, including surveillance, legislation, threats, violent conflict, gender-related stereotypes, digitisation and social media. The contributions examine topics such as trauma, risk and self-censorship among journalists in different regions of the world, including Central America, Estonia, Turkey, Uganda and Pakistan. The book also provides conceptual clarity to the notion of journalist self-censorship, and explores the question of how self-censorship may be studied empirically." (Publisher description)
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"Der Umgang mit der Kolonialgeschichte, die hierzulande lange im Schatten der Aufarbeitung des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust stand, unterliegt gegenwärtig einem grundlegenden Wandel. Zwar zählt auch Deutschland faktisch zu den postkolonialen Gesellschaften Europas, doch ist diese Tatsache
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kaum in das Bewusstsein der Menschen und in das Handeln der Politik vorgedrungen. Der Sammelband zieht Bilanz und will zugleich die notwendige Auseinandersetzung um eine Dekolonisierung globaler wie lokaler Machtverhältnisse und eine Dekolonialisierung der immer noch dominierenden Wissens- und Deutungsmacht des »Westens« anregen. Die aktuellen Debatten um den Völkermord an den Herero und Nama oder die koloniale Beutekunst im geplanten Humboldt Forum in Berlin richten den Fokus ein ums andere Mal auf eine koloniale Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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