"Pour le peuple vili en République du Congo-Brazzaville, comme ailleurs en Afrique subsaharienne, la communication orale était de mise. L’oralité avait son importance surtout au Muanze, sorte d’institution de vie communautaire. De nos jours, en Afrique en général et en milieu vili en partic
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ulier, la parole traditionnelle a laissé le pas à la parole de la radio, de la télévision et des réseaux sociaux. Ces moyens modernes d’information obligent les Africains à appréhender autrement leurs modes de communication et de contact avec autrui. L’Église souhaite être au rendez-vous de cette nouvelle culture et s’intéresse activement aux médias modernes. Toutes les Églises en Afrique vont à leur tour revendiquer le droit d’accéder à ces moyens de communication. D’autant plus que ces médias peuvent être aussi des lieux de l’école de la démocratie et de la liberté des peuples, et pourquoi pas d’évangélisation ? Tout en respectant les normes établies par les États, les Églises en Afrique luttent pour leur intégration médiatique et pour des médias vecteurs d’état de droit et de démocratie. Cet ouvrage est issu d’une thèse soutenue à Strasbourg dans le cadre de la Communication Traditionnelle et Moderne." (Dos de couverture)
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"This year's report reveals new insights about digital news consumption based on a YouGov survey of over 92,000 online news consumers in 46 markets including India, Indonesia, Thailand, Nigeria, Colombia and Peru for the first time. The report looks at the impact of coronavirus on news consumption a
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nd on the economic prospects for publishers. It looks at progress on new paid online business models, trust and misinformation, local news, impartiality and fairness in news coverage." (Overview)
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"This book focuses on ethnic journalism in the Global South, approaching it from two angles: as a professional area and as a social mission. The book discusses journalistic practices and ethnic media in the Global South, managerial and editorial strategies of ethnic media outlets, their content spec
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ifics, target audience, distribution channels, main challenges and trends of development in the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter discusses two cases of new media formats combining journalistic skills, creativity and innovation when communicating risk and acting against disinfodemic, the collaborative website ‘Talato’ for fact-checking on the coronavirus in CAR and the fact-checking online platform ‘Congo C
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heck’ in the DRC. Their accounts feed the discussion of how disinfodemic is spreading in the region and how their communication strategies are serving as riposte against this major threat. The chapter sheds light to how these independent initiatives contribute to halt the pandemic disinfodemic in their localities. It moreover reveals fact-checking procedures and obstacles faced when journalists attempt to access verifiable and official information in settings where press is not entirely free to operate." (Abstract)
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"[Ce livre] examine les pratiques journalistiques qui ont caractérisé la couverture médiatique du conflit armé ayant opposé les Forces armées de la RDC à la rébellion du Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) dans la province du Nord Kivu. L’auteur scrute le positionnement des journalistes des radios
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congolaises et étrangères face aux discours et actions déployés par les protagonistes du conflit en vue d’exercer un contrôle absolu sur la production et la diffusion de l’information, une composante importante de la stratégie militaire en situation de conflit. Pas moins de trente heures d’informations diffusées sur cinq radios (Kivu One et VBR de Goma, Top Congo FM et Radio Okapi de Kinshasa, RFI émettant depuis Paris) sont confrontées aux discours de dix-neuf journalistes présents sur le terrain lors des événements. Cette confrontation éclaire sur l’incidence des conditions de production dans la construction des récits produits." (Dos de couverture)
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"On the analyses of the trend of violations, key perpetrators and victims, research including engagements with the police, Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) and data from the MRCG’s (Media Reform Coordinating Group) Press Freedom Reports showed that in 2018, which was an election year
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(Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Council elections) in Sierra Leone, there were up to 10 cases of violations against journalists and civil society activists in their line of duty. In 2019, nine major violations were recorded against journalists and civil society activists in their line of duty. In 2020, which saw the emergence of COVID-19, up to 10 cases of violations against journalists and civil society activists were also recorded." (Analysis of trends of violations, page 18)
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"This book places television in Africa in the digital context. It addresses the onslaught of multimedia platforms, digital migration and implication of this technology for society. The discussions in the chapters contained in this book encompass a wide range of issues such as digital disruption of t
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elevision news, internet television and video on demand platforms, adaptations, digital migration, business strategies and management approaches, PBS, consumption patterns, scheduling and programming, evangelical television, and many others." (Publisher description)
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"The publication is focused on the ways fake news, disinformation, misinformation and hateful statements are spread across society, predominantly within the online environment. Its main ambition is to offer an interdisciplinary body of scholarly knowledge on fake news, disinformation and propaganda
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in relation to today's journalism, social development, political situation and cultural affairs happening all around the world." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines the role of radios in conflict by exploring the tenets of peace journalism in the United Nations sponsored Radio Okapi (Democratic Republic of Congo) and Radio Ndeke Luka (Central African Republic) run by the Swiss Fondation Hirondelle. It is a qualitative research that interv
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iewed journalists on how they perceive their role in society and margin of autonomy. It aims at answering the question: To what extent do the conventions of professional practice of journalism affect the way newsmaking is shaped under the peace journalism approach in conflict-stressed environments? The findings pointed that peace journalism encompasses the idea of a symbolic 'rapprochement' and reconcilement. Reporters stressed the notion of using journalism as a pedagogical tool. Many of the journalists have gone through life-threatening situations caused by opposition groups. Nonetheless, the testimonies accounted for a willingness to carry on with their commitment to a responsible journalism." (Abstract)
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"The role of the Media to the growth and development of a democratic society cannot be overemphasized. Over the years, the media have served as a watch dog in every society, prompting the need for International and National legislation protecting the Right to Press Freedom. While attacks and threat
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to traditional Media (Radio, Television, Newspapers, etc) is not new, the wide adoption of Information Communication Technology (ICT’s) and use of Online digital media has transcend such attacks from the physical milieu to Online domain. The paper adopts the Doctrinal research method to examine the concept of Press Freedom. It exposes the various forms of Online Harassment targeted at Online Media and Journalist. The paper assesses The National legal framework for the protection of Press freedom from online harassment, making recommendations in line with best practices adopted in some Jurisdiction. The paper seeks to educate the Government, International Organisations, the Media, and all relevant stakeholders of the Media industry in Nigeria." (Abstract)
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"Those working in media face plenty of challenges when it comes to handling issues around conflict more sensitively. In some countries, these difficulties could include forced or unsolicited loyalty, a lack of information, or physical and psychological threats. In others, challenges could arise from
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prejudice fostered by excessive homogeneity in newsrooms, or a lack of consciousness for the limits of certain views. In DW Akademie’s publication, authors from around the world approach the question of how media workers can cover conflict better. This includes reflections on how to cope with the deluge of hatred online and on how to deal with trauma. Rather than academic, analytical texts, the publication is made up of thoughtfully written, carefully illustrated and often personal pieces." (Publisher description)
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"Les politiques de communication au Gabon se sont construites, depuis l’Indépendance, au travers de multiples tensions entre autocratie et démocratie. Elles ont connu diverses régressions et avancées, tant dans la volonté de promotion du développement que dans le respect des droits et libert
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és. L’ouvrage d’Arthur Félicien Sabi-Djaboudi vise à contribuer à la compréhension de cette lente évolution, parcourant les périodes de décolonisation, de parti unique, de libéralisation de la vie publique jusqu’à l’actuel basculement dans les mondes numériques. La critique menée par l’auteur offre des bases non seulement pour dessiner une nouvelle configuration médiatique, mais pour redéfinir l’économie de la communication au Gabon, et refonder ainsi la communauté politique." (Dos de couverture)
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"Do emotions we experience after reading headlines help us discern true from false information or cloud our judgement? Understanding whether emotions are associated with distinguishing truth from fiction and sharing information has implications for interventions designed to curb the spread of misinf
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ormation. Among 1,341 Facebook users in Nigeria, we find that emotions—specifically happiness and surprise—are associated with greater belief in and sharing of false, relative to true, COVID-19 headlines. Respondents who are older are more reflective, and do not support the ruling party are better at discerning true from false COVID-19 information."
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"Public protests, including women-led struggles, are increasingly gaining a foothold in many parts of the world in response to multiple crises and growing exclusion, in a context of fragility. In the global South, most public protests involve temporary, informal coalitions where people come together
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and participate in a one-off event. The fluid nature of political space makes sustaining protests elusive because of protest fatigue. Yet, the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG), a women-led movement, headed a long-term protest that focused on the rights of the girl child to education – a direct response to Boko Haram’s gendered terror tactics, in which girls were abducted, forced t o abandon school, and get married. This article examines when and how movements crystallise into long-term programmes of action in fragile and conflict-affected societies where state–society relations are weak and government is considered to be unresponsive. We use the case of the #BBOG movement, one of Nigeria’s intense social media-driven and womenled action, to examine the mix of pressures it faced, its characteristics, and strategies in situations of fragility, conflict, and closed political spaces. We identify four key strategies that the #BBOG has deployed to keep members coming, garner international support and sympathy, keep pressure on the elite in a safe manner for the movement members, and ensure an independent funding regime for durability and impact. This article finds that #BBOG was able to navigate fragility and the closing civic space in Nigeria by challenging the failure of government to address insecurity in the country, transcending societal barriers including gender, religion, and political class, transnationalising their movement, self-funding, and using social media strategically." (Abstract)
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"This case study shows that Rwanda’s laws and its national, sector-specific and ICT sector policies, strategies and regulations are well coordinated and embrace a whole-of-government approach and the spirit of collaboration. Rwanda’s regulatory and policy frameworks furthermore “tick all of th
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e boxes” required in order to support the African Union’s Agenda 2063, the East African Community’s Vision 2050 and Rwanda’s national Vision 2050 and to achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Rwanda’s policy framework also advances the country’s commitments on climate change within the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change." (Page 2)
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"The key statistical findings for the region are that electrical and electronic equipment (EEE) placed on the market (POM) increased by 30 per cent from 3.2 megatons (Mt), or 8.8 kilograms per inhabitant (kg/inh), in 2010 to 4.1 Mt (or 9.5 kg/inh) in 2019. The Arab States mostly import, rather than
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manufacture, EEE; the domestic generation of EEE is therefore very limited, and they rely on imports of EEE POM. Over the same period of time, e waste generation in the region increased by 61 per cent from 1.8 Mt (4.9 kg/inh) in 2010 to 2.8 Mt (6.6 kg/inh) in 2019. The largest e-waste generator is Saudi Arabia, with 595 kilotons (kt) (or 13.2 kg/inh) of e-waste, while the lowest is Comoros (0.6 kt, or 0.7 kg/inh), which reflects the vast diversity of the region. The e-waste generated encompasses a variety of products, with small equipment (category 5 in EU Directive 2012/19/EU, on waste electrical and electronic equipment, also known as the WEEE Directive), temperature exchange equipment (category 1) and large equipment (category 4) comprising the highest share of e-waste generated, for a total of 76 per cent. The annual growth rate is positive for all categories of e-waste, with the exception of screens and monitors (category 2), which shows negative growth rates. Nevertheless, a declining trend has been observed, meaning that the pace of growth has slowed over time for most products. From the information gathered, the Arab States appear to have collected and managed a total of 2.2 kt (0.01 kg/inh) of e-waste in 2019, which equates to a collection rate of 0.1 per cent, compared to e-waste generated. However, it is worth highlighting that data on e-waste collection and on environmentally sound management (ESM) was available for only four Arab States. E-waste collection for ESM takes place in Jordan, the State of Palestine(1), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Jordan has the highest e-waste collection rate of 2.6 per cent (equivalent to 0.1 kg/inh), followed by Qatar (0.5 per cent, or 0.07 kg/inh). Egypt has seven licensed treatment facilities for e-waste, but it was unable to provide official data on the amount of e-waste collected and managed." (Executive summary, pages 11-12)
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