"This bilingual, cross-national study analyzes stories about the Colombian peace process that were engaged with on social media o understand the use of peace and war framing in news reporting. Using content analysis as a method, this paper operationalized Galtung’s classification of peace journali
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sm and follows framing methodological adjustments and improvements suggested by previous peace journalism scholars. Results show that, even during peace talks, media use war narratives more often than peace frames, and social media users amplify more war than peace-oriented content. Proximity to conflict also was shown to be an important factor, as Colombian media used more war frames than foreign media. These findings are relevant for their implications about how national media consistently emphasized a war frame that social media users amplified, which we argue has implications for how citizens viewed the Colombian peace process, ultimately potentially influencing the decision to vote down the referendum." (Abstract)
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"La propaganda política siempre ha existido. Sin embargo, pocos presidentes peruanos hicieron un uso más exhaustivo y consciente de las imágenes que Alberto Fujimori. Este libro analiza esta tendencia y la manera en la que, durante la década de 1990, cambió la relación entre el poder y los med
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ios de comunicación. Los ejemplos estudiados incluyen caricaturas, fotografías publicadas en la prensa escrita, afiches publicitarios, spots televisivos y otros productos mediáticos, tanto favorables como contrarios a Fujimori. Roca-Rey resalta el sustrato de estas imágenes, las ideas que pretendían transmitir y la manera en la que fueron consumidas, a través de prácticas tan extendidas en aquellos años como la lectura de las portadas de la prensa en los kioscos. El resultado fue la cada vez mayor importancia que adquirió el factor visual en las disputas políticas, especialmente a medida que el régimen se acercaba a su final y las imágenes negativas comenzaban a superar a las positivas." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"A dos años de su mandato, la relación del presidente Gustavo Petro con la prensa ha estado marcada por la descalificación y la desconfianza en los medios de comunicación y en periodistas que considera incómodos. En contraste, su Gobierno creó nuevos canales de comunicación oficial y aumentó
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el presupuesto del sistema de medios público. De manera intermitente ha enviado señales —que no terminan de concretarse— de querer fortalecer a los medios alternativos y comunitarios, y ha incluido a influencers en su estrategia de comunicación. A diferencia de la actitud del presidente Iván Duque hacia la prensa —quien dividió el panorama mediático entre "amigos" y "enemigos" durante un periodo marcado por protestas contra sus políticas y su manejo de la crisis del COVID-19–, el actual Jefe de Estado considera que los medios de mayor influencia son adversarios políticos y prefiere comunicarse por X." (Página 5)
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"Más allá de ser meramente intermediarios, medios de comunicación, periodistas, comunicadoras y comunicadores sociales construyen narrativas de la memoria y del pasado a través de su labor y prác ticas cotidianas.A través de su trabajo dan contexto a los acontecimientos en perspectiva históri
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ca y a futuro, en diálogo con y entretejiendo las voces de actores involucrados e impactados por la violencia armada y no armada (por ej. física, socio-psicológica, económica o basada en género), dando centralidad a las víctimas y sus narrativas. Desempeñan varios roles como ser acompañantes o cohesionadores de procesos personales y colectivos de memorias y de situaciones de dolor, lo que les expone también a condiciones de vulnerabilidad emocional y profesional. Estando inmersos en y supeditados a las diversas dinámicas de los contextos sobre los que representan, narran, informan y opinan, el reconocimiento de estas y estos profesionales y de su agencia implica la importancia de considerar disposiciones ideológico-políticas, actitudes y comportamientos en el marco de su labor. En contextos como el colombiano emergen iniciativas periodísticas independientes y de amplio alcance que aprovechan nuevas tecnologías y medios de comunicación en expansión, gracias a la agencia de comunidades y grupos poblacionales. Por sus ventajas y desventajas potenciales es fundamental una contextualización crítica de esas herramientas, cuando se proponga usarlas en regiones con desarrollo desigual de conectividad o poco acceso a infraestructura digital." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"Internews designed “The Power of Trust” to strengthen intercultural health networks and provide information to build trust around COVID-19 vaccines. Over 11 months, Internews and local partners continuously listened to the information needs of the communities. In response, we developed forums i
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n conjunction with knowledgeable health professionals and promoted media coverage of topics based on feedback in partner meetings and reports. Partners maintained ongoing relationships with Indigenous, Afro-descendant, rural, last-mile, and marginalized communities with insufficient health care, building capacities of local media sources and communicators to increase access to COVID-19 information. Internews collaborated with local partners, community communicators and media sources to adapt project activities to priority community needs. As a result, co-created sessions actively centered participants, were in local languages, used cultural codes specific to each community, and focused on context-specific concerns. In addition, Internews helped facilitate discussion spaces for community members to build dialogue with health experts to bridge gaps across Western and traditional medicine in addressing COVID-19 and other health issues. As the pandemic evolved, Internews also identified changing health priorities among focus communities and adapted trainings to mitigate the perceived changes, allowing project participants within these communities to more effectively reduce the spread of rumors related to COVID, vaccines, and other emerging health crises. Weekly radio programs on platforms like local Indigenous radio Radio Waira in Putumayo, Colombia incorporated intercultural approaches to discussing health topics to build trust." (Executive summary)
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"Sections of the book engage in critical reflection on what peacebuilding effectiveness is and who gets to decide, provide practical examples and case studies of the successes and failures of assessing peacebuilding work, and support innovative strategies and tools to move the field forward. Chapter
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s reflect a variety of perspectives on peacebuilding effectiveness and methods—quantitative, qualitative, and participatory—to evaluate peacebuilding efforts, with particular attention to approaches that center those local to the peacebuilding process. Practitioners and policymakers alike will find useful arguments and approaches for evaluating peacebuilding activities and making the case for funding such efforts." (Publisher description)
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"This study aims to explore the policies and practices of Radio Cutivalú in the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment within the context of the prevailing patriarchal structures in Peruvian society. For this purpose, the following research question is formulated: Does Radio Cutival
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ú have a gender policy and if so, how does it manifest? To answer the research question, a qualitative analysis of four internal documents and 11 interviewees with employees was conducted. The study reveals that while Radio Cutivalú does not possess an explicit, written gender policy, gender equality is considered a central guiding principle in the radio’s operations. Its activities align with the objectives of international policies, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action – Section J, AMARC-WIN’s Gender Policy for Community Radio, and UNESCO’s Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media. Thus, Radio Cutivalú serves as a powerful platform for addressing gender issues." (Abstract)
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"This text is divided into four chapters. The first chapter describes the characteristics of online public debate in Colombia. It also presents the historical context and details the circumstances in which risky content for democracy and human rights content is published and disseminated in the coun
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try; this usually happens in public discussions associated with the armed conflict, in debates related to current situations that involve discriminated and vulnerable communities, and —mainly— during electoral periods in which smear campaigns against the media and journalists occur and disinformation strategies to manipulate voters develop. The second chapter presents a normative review that clarifies concepts addressed throughout the text and elaborates on international standards on the subject. The third chapter contains the body of the legal framework that describes the current regulations in Colombia to address content that potentially poses risks for democracy and human rights and presents the alternatives for dealing with such content. The fourth chapter analyzes the extent to which this framework is in line with international standards and reflects on the effectiveness of the legal tools to tackle the problem of hate speech and disinformation. In parallel with the development of the conflict and cycles of political violence, Colombian civil society has been striving for decades to advance in peacebuilding. As part of these efforts, it is essential to understand how to promote a broad and robust conversation in digital environments that guarantees diversity of opinions and protects the right of citizens to receive truthful and unbiased information." (Page 5)
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"El presente libro pretende arrojar luz sobre la importancia de la educación política a partir de hallazgos por parte de una academia crítica y comprometida con la democracia y la paz y desarrollar recomendaciones prácticas para el diseño de la educación política en Colombia. También pretend
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e facilitar un intercambio de experiencias entre el mundo académico y la práctica de Colombia y Alemania y, de esta manera, posibilitar procesos de aprendizaje mutuo y entre disciplinas, así como entre países. De esta manera, el presente libro busca contribuir al objetivo del Instituto Colombo-Alemán para la Paz de fortalecer intercambios académicos en temas relevantes para la construcción de paz en Colombia y más allá de Colombia." (Prefacio)
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"El presente documento sistematiza las experiencias vividas durante la ejecución de una estrategia comunicacional desde agosto de 2022 hasta mayo de 2023, periodo en el que cinco estudiantes cursaron la maestría de Comunicación Inteligente en la Universidad Católica Boliviana “San Pablo”, Re
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gional La Paz (UCB). Este proyecto partió de la colaboración con la Revista 88 Grados, que será abordada más adelante, por la cual estos integrantes conformaron un grupo del mismo nombre. La estrategia elaborada se podrá hallar al final de la recopilación de los datos empíricos y estará dividida en dos partes (véase Estrategia de comunicación inicial y Estrategia de comunicación final). No obstante, en líneas generales, ambas versiones rescatan la importancia de difundir la labor social de la Revista y la necesidad de transformarla en una verdadera e-magazine, concepto desarrollado en el capítulo 3." (Introducción, página 1)
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"In many countries, especially outside Europe and the United States, we find a significant further decline in the use of Facebook for news and a growing reliance on a range of alternatives including private messaging apps and video networks. Facebook news consumption is down 4 percentage points, acr
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oss all countries, in the last year.
• News use across online platforms is fragmenting, with six networks now reaching at least 10% of our respondents, compared with just two a decade ago. YouTube is used for news by almost a third (31%) of our global sample each week, WhatsApp by around a fifth (21%), while TikTok (13%) has overtaken Twitter (10%), now rebranded X, for the first time.
• Linked to these shifts, video is becoming a more important source of online news, especially with younger groups. Short news videos are accessed by two-thirds (66%) of our sample each week, with longer formats attracting around half (51%). The main locus of news video consumption is online platforms (72%) rather than publisher websites (22%), increasing the challenges around monetisation and connection.
• Although the platform mix is shifting, the majority continue to identify platforms including social media, search, or aggregators as their main gateway to online news. Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) identify news websites or apps as their main source of online news – that’s down 10 percentage points on 2018. Publishers in a few Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are showing a weaker connection with news brands than they did in the past.
• Turning to the sources that people pay most attention to when it comes to news on various platforms, we find an increasing focus on partisan commentators, influencers, and young news creators, especially on YouTube and TikTok. But in social networks such as Facebook and X, traditional news brands and journalists still tend to play a prominent role.
• Concern about what is real and what is fake on the internet when it comes to online news has risen by 3 percentage points in the last year with around six in ten (59%) saying they are concerned. The figure is considerably higher in South Africa (81%) and the United States (72%), both countries that have been holding elections this year.
• Worries about how to distinguish between trustworthy and untrustworthy content in online platforms is highest for TikTok and X when compared with other online networks. Both platforms have hosted misinformation or conspiracies around stories such as the war in Gaza, and the Princess of Wales’s health, as well as so-called ‘deep fake’ pictures and videos." (Executive summary, page 10)
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"Increased understanding of the root causes, scale, and impact of online harmful content and the effectiveness of the existing frameworks and tools: 10 research reports examining the national legal frameworks governing harmful content [...] Local stakeholders empowered and new cooperation and practi
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cal tools and mechanisms developed to counter harmful content online: 3 National Multistakeholder Coalitions for Content Moderation and Freedom of Expression launched in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (with 17 stakeholders), Indonesia (with 12 stakeholders), and Kenya (with 30 stakeholders) [...] Enhanced support and promotion of peacebuilding narratives through digital technologies, in particular social media: 194 representatives from 121 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) trained (60 from 20 CSOs in BiH, 50 from 44 CSOs in Kenya, 31 from 20 CSOs in Indonesia, and 53 from 20 CSOs in Colombia) [...]" (Pages 1-2)
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"Under the government of Rafael Correa, punitive measures were used systematically against the privately-owned press, and there were even emblematic prosecution cases that were later dealt with by international courts such as the El Universo case. However, Fundamedios and Fundación Periodistas Sin
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Cadenas continue to report that, even with Correa out of power, the Ecuadorian State continues to be journalists’ main aggressor. Therefore, it is vital to keep asking questions and not let the debate die with Correa out of power. Correa’s Communication Law, which went through profound modifications, showcases Ecuador’s political black-or-white thinking. The law was indeed used against journalists and the media, but when it was dismantled, it led to a problematic dichotomy between having more state or more self-regulated media. The latter eventually gained ground in the first year of Guillermo Lasso’s government. Also, other issues such as affirmative measures for community-led media, the role of public media, the distribution of frequencies of the radio electric spectrum, the broadcasting of intercultural content, all of which are needed to address communications as a whole, have been overshadowed." (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"Para el trabajo en la escuela, la Alfabetización Mediática e Informacional (AMI) propone la incorporación de los medios tradicionales y digitales en el aula, que promuevan la generación de experiencias educativas reflexivas y críticas y la creación de medios, de manera responsable y ética. E
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n tal sentido, este documento diagnóstico presenta el proceso desarrollado en el contexto peruano y los énfasis de trabajo desde el Estado y la sociedad civil para promover la AMI. Asimismo expone las comprensiones e intereses de docentes frente a la propuesta de la AMI en su quehacer educativo. Este diagnóstico muestra la visión de diversos actores educativos que permiten identificar las posibilidades de inclusión de la AMI en la agenda pública educativa peruana; sobre todo para el fortalecimiento de las capacidades de docentes, el desarrollo de una base común teórica y metodológica, una intervención educativa contextualizada y con enfoque intercultural. El presente diagnóstico contiene el planteamiento de la metodología, antecedentes de la AMI, los hallazgos de la investigación, los desafíos planteados desde los actores entrevistados y las conclusiones del diagnóstico. Además se ha incluido una propuesta de agenda pública con temas que posibiliten un debate amplio sobre la pertinencia de la AMI en un mundo mediatizado y globalizado." (Introducción)
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"El estudio ha permitido identificar que la mayoría de los medios comunitarios trabajan en condiciones muy precarias, debido entre otras cosas al contexto de extrema pobreza y aislamiento de las zonas donde operan, lo cual genera falta de ingresos (por publicidad, avisaje) y con pocas condiciones d
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e sostenibilidad económica. Asimismo, que varios de los medios comunitarios no vienen funcionando actualmente. De un total de 35 titulares de medios entrevistados para el presente estudio, solo la mitad de los medios comunitarios trabajan con relativa normalidad, mientras que la otra mitad no sale al aire o funciona parcialmente por horas. Se ha podido constatar también que algunos de los compromisos establecidos en el Proyecto de Comunicación son cumplidos parcialmente por los medios comunitarios y otros no se cumplen (como el hecho de que el responsable del Proyecto de Comunicación o de la Programación del medio comunitario sea un profesional de la comunicación o el periodismo con experiencia). Se observa también que la gran mayoría de los titulares de medios comunitarios entrevistados no son comunicadores ni periodistas de profesión, sino que provienen de otros campos profesionales y en algunos casos han realizado estudios técnicos (ej. locución, manejo de equipos de estudio o cabina), lo que es una limitación para la gestión de un medio de comunicación. Asimismo, en la mayoría de los medios comunitarios participan entre una y dos personas, lo que habla de la debilidad institucional de estos equipos." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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