"Medien und Religionen: ein brisantes Thema, das bisher nur unzureichend bearbeitet ist. Dabei ist spätestens seit dem 11. September 2001, seit den heftigen Auseinandersetzungen um die Mohammed-Karikaturen und dem Streit um das provokante Buch von Thilo Sarrazin deutlich, wie sehr Bilder und Videos
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in Fernsehen und Internet, Zeitungsnachrichten und nicht zuletzt sensationell aufgemachte Bücher die Vorstellungen der Religionen und Kulturen voneinander mitbestimmen. Es ist häufig ein sehr problematisches und einseitiges Bild, das da medial vermittelt wird. Zum anderen haben die Religionen von jeher mit Medien, mit Bildern, Klängen, Schriften und Symbolen zu tun. Sie haben lange und reiche Traditionen im Ringen um einen menschenfreundlichen, lebensförderlichen Umgang mit Medien in einem weiten Sinn. Insofern lassen sich von den Religionen auch Impulse für die Humanisierung unserer Medienkultur erwarten. Beide Perspektiven wurden auf dem X. Nürnberger Forum verfolgt und in ihren Konsequenzen für religiöse und kulturelle Bildung bedacht. Expertinnen und Experten aus Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, Human- und Sozialwissenschaften, allgemeiner Pädagogik, Medienpädagogik und Religionspädagogik, aus Politik und öffentlichen Medien, aus Europa, Amerika, Afrika und Asien und aus allen großen Religionstraditionen referierten und diskutierten zu den vier Themenbereichen - Die Darstellung der Religionen in den öffentlichen Medien - Bilderverbot/Bilderkult: Das Bild und andere Medien in ihrer Bedeutung für die Religionen - Medienethik im Kontext religiöser Pluralität - Medien und interreligiöses / interkulturelles Lernen. In einem ergänzenden Symposium wurden – basierend auf dem Nürnberg-Rostocker Forschungsprojekt „Die Darstellung des Christentums in Schulbüchern islamisch geprägter Länder“ – Standards für interreligiöse Schulbuchforschung und -entwicklung erarbeitet, die Autorenteams, Verlagen und Kultusbehörden weitergegeben werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Internet censorship poses a large and growing challenge to online freedom of expression around the world. Censorship circumvention tools are critical to bypass restrictions on the internet and thereby to protect free expression online. Circumvention tools are primarily designed to bypass internet f
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iltering. Therefore, the core principle behind these technologies is to find alternative paths for data packets. These alternative paths use one or more collaborative servers in order to bypass the network of blocking mechanisms. This document provides a comparison among different circumvention tools, both in terms of their technical merits, as well as how users of these tools describe their experience with them. The countries included in this report are Azerbaijan, Burma, China and Iran." (Executive summary, page 9)
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"Turkey has made important reforms over the past decade and the military’s influence on the media is now much less. Genuine progress has been made but a legislative straitjacket continues to stifle journalists. Reporting of some topics is still routinely punished by the courts. Journalists are arr
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ested and tried for doing their job or expressing an opinion, their documents seized and their sources tracked down. This is especially happening in the present fierce struggle for control of all state institutions." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"In the year of the Arab uprisings Global Information Society Watch 2011 investigates how governments and internet and mobile phone companies are trying to restrict freedom online – and how citizens are responding to this using the very same technologies. Everyone is familiar with the stories of E
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gypt and Tunisia. GISWatch authors tell these and other lesser-known stories from more than 60 countries. Stories about: Prison conditions in Argentina - prisoners are using the internet to protest living conditions and demand respect for their rights; Torture in Indonesia - the torture of two West Papuan farmers was recorded on a mobile phone and leaked to the internet, the video spread to well-known human rights sites sparking public outrage and a formal investigation by the authorities; The tsunami in Japan - citizens used social media to share actionable information during the devastating tsunami, and in the aftermath online discussions contradicted misleading reports coming from state authorities. GISWatch also includes thematic reports and an introduction from Frank La Rue, Un special rapporteur." (Back cover)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"Die Freiheit der Arbeit von Journalisten ist immer auch ein wichtiger Indikator für den Grad der Demokratisierung eines Staates. Kirgistan ist diesbezüglich ein zerrissenes Land, welches sich zwischen Fortschritten und Rückfällen hin und her bewegt und auch in dieser Hinsicht stark von den Nach
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wirkungen der Unruhen in Osch im Juni 2010 gekennzeichnet ist. Eine wichtige Richtungsentscheidung wird vermutlich die Präsidentschaftswahl im Oktober sein." (Zusammenfassung)
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"During 2010 Kyrgyzstan experienced two periods of conflict that took the country to the brink of civil war: the overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev in April and the ethnic violence in the south of the country in June. The use of blogs and social network sites as well as mobile and multimedia p
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latforms during the upheaval has led some observers to link developments in Kyrgyzstan to other recent cases of social protest where new media has been prominent. However, these events offer no simple answer to the current social media debate. The complex and shifting role of new media as a factor in the events in Kyrgyzstan illustrates that the two conflicts were different in important ways and that new media was used differently in each. While new media made significant contributions to these events, it did not drive them and its importance has to be seen alongside the more conventional mobilization techniques and the role of traditional international media—which was often the source of social media reporting." (Abstract)
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"This is an applied facilitator’s guide for reform managers, change agents, development practitioners, and training professionals who need to use smart communication techniques—the relevant concepts, frameworks and applications—to promote change through governance reform. It is grounded on the
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expert knowledge and practical research from academics and scholars and practitioners in the field, culled and enriched from CommGAP’s series of global dialogue on key governance issues." (Back cover)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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"Se rangeant parmi les cinq plus grands donateurs d’aide publique au développement (APD), l'Allemagne est fortement engagée dans la lutte pour un accès universel à la prévention, au traitement et à la prise en charge du VIH. Une bonne partie des contributions allemandes est accordée sous fo
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rme de soutien financier et technique à la communication pour le changement de comportement (CCC), souvent associée au marketing social de préservatifs. Cette publication étudie en détail plusieurs projets dans le cadre desquels l'Allemagne a apporté un soutien à la production et à la diffusion de séries télévisées comme composantes clés de la CCC dans trois pays confrontés à des situations épidémiologiques très différentes. Au Kirghizistan, l'épidémie est largement concentrée parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables (CDI), pour la plupart des hommes jeunes, mais touche aussi des professionnelles du sexe. L'épidémie s’étend rapidement, et l’on craint qu'elle ne se propage davantage dans la population en général. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2006, la série « Love as a Test » avait pour but de sensibiliser les spectateurs au fait que le VIH ne concerne pas uniquement « les autres », mais peut facilement toucher chaque individu ainsi que ses proches, et qu’il est possible d’agir pour éviter sa propagation et en limiter les dommages. En République dominicaine, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont extrêmement élevés chez les Haïtiens de souche vivant dans les bateyes (campements attenant aux plantations de canne à sucre), dans les zones rurales et dans les bidonvilles. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2007, « Amor de Batey » avait pour but de promouvoir l'utilisation régulière et correcte de préservatifs peu coûteux mais fiables, de renforcer l’autonomie des femmes, d'améliorer leur santé et de limiter la mortalité infantile. En Côte d'Ivoire, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont élevés dans l’ensemble du pays, mais beaucoup plus importants chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Cela est notamment dû à la pratique courante des relations sexuelles multiples et concomitantes et aux faibles niveaux d'éducation et de connaissances en matière de santé sexuelle et reproductive. Diffusée pour la première fois en 1994, « Sida dans la Cité » avait des objectifs similaires à ceux de « Amor de Batey ». La première série a rencontré un tel succès qu'elle a été suivie d'une deuxième diffusée en 1996-1997, puis d'une troisième diffusée en 2003. Les trois séries ont connu une grande popularité dans tous les pays francophones d'Afrique de l’Ouest et d'Afrique centrale. Cette publication retrace la genèse de chacune de ces séries, en présente un bref synopsis, résume les résultats des évaluations formelles qui en ont été faites et fournit des appréciations plus informelles. Elle tire ensuite des conclusions et constate que les séries télévisées peuvent apporter des contributions très utiles à la lutte contre le VIH au niveau national. Les séries qui remportent le plus de succès sont basées sur de solides recherches, reflètent les réalités de la vie telles qu’elles sont vécues par les publics cibles et sont réalisées de manière très professionnelle, leur assurant à la fois un haut niveau de divertissement et une grande efficacité comme outil éducatif." (Résumé, page 5)
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"Independence for the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia has not led to press freedom, solutions to pressing environmental problems, or development of effective grassroots nongovernmental organizations. This article examines relations between journalists and environ
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mental nongovernmental organizations, and it identifies barriers to in-depth, balanced, and accurate news coverage of environmental issues and events." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines whether training Turkish journalists using online training modules offered by the BBC, increased their awareness of ethical editorial issues. It also discusses the potential, as well as the obstacles, for establishing more democratic forms of journalism. The chapter begins by
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providing context to the discussion of journalism training by exploring the outline features of the media system and professionalization in the Turkish setting [...] Ethical guidelines may not be a magical solution in themselves, since political culture and political economic structure are important, but at least they can encourage debate and increase journalists' self-awareness. It is difficult to assess what the specific short-term impact of the project has been, but it is possible to say that the process in which I participated reminded me once again how important it is to be self-reflectiv.e and also to analyze our working principles and practices." (Pages 112-128)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"This report investigates the relationships between media freedoms, financial sustainability of media in emerging markets, and international media support. It is based on a survey of more than 220 newspapers and media executives in more than sixty countries in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas,
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and on five in-depth country studies: Egypt, Georgia, Guatemala, Mozambique and Vietnam. Research results indicate that media executives see the greatest opportunities in three principle areas: investing in new technology and multimedia operations; developing journalists’ skills; and enhancing the skills of staff in commercial departments to improve revenue and efficiency." (Publisher description)
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