"In Media Compass: A Companion to International Media Landscapes, an international team of prominent scholars examines both long-term media systems and fluctuating trends in media usage around the world. Integrating country-specific summaries and cross-cutting studies of geopolitical regions, this i
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nterdisciplinary reference work describes key elements in the political, social, demographic, cultural, and economic conditions of media infrastructures and public communication. Enabling the mapping of media landscapes internationally, Media Compass contains up-to-date empirical surveys of individual countries and regions, as well as cross-country comparisons of particular areas of public communication. 45 entries, each guiding readers from a general summary to a more in-depth discussion of a country’s specific media landscape, address formative conditions and circumstances, historical background and development, current issues and challenges, and more." (Publisher description)
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"This article investigates news distortion within the Arab media ecosystem, as manifested on Arab media Facebook pages and perceived by Arab journalists during the COVID-19 pandemic. A textual analysis was conducted on 6 news Facebook pages affiliated with major local media channels in 6 Arab countr
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ies: Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Tunisia. In addition, a survey was administered to 116 Arab journalists residing in these countries. The findings revealed five main distortion categories in pandemic reporting: (1) overestimating the official response, (2) underestimating the public response, (3) diverting readers’ attention, (4) concealing information about the outbreak, and (5) posting unverified information. Moreover, the findings indicate that news distortion in Arab media during the pandemic is often influenced by institutional, rather than individual, pressures, including those from media organizations, government institutions, and societal norms." (Abstract)
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"L'information economique et sociale occupe la 3eme position des rubriques favorites, derriere le sport et la sante (la 5e pour les femmes). 65% des sondes declarent la suivre mais seulement 5% des 18-24 ans la suivent « regulierement ». 34 % des 18-24 ans n'ont recours a aucun des medias traditio
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nnels pour la suivre. Les medias traditionnels (76 %) sont talonnes par les reseaux sociaux (61 %) mais sont deja depasses parmi les categories socio-professionnelles les moins precaires et chez les 18-34 ans. Le mode de traitement des medias traditionnels releve dans plus d'un cas sur deux d'un journalisme « assis » de compte-rendu. 15 % des repondants suivent les publications d'un « influenceur » economique ou social sur les reseaux sociaux. 96,5 % des repondants privilegient des contenus en arabe. 70 % des Tunisien.ne.s ne sont pas satisfaits des contenus ; 87 % estiment que les themes n'ont rien a voir avec leur vie quotidienne et 64 % que le traitement n'est pas clair et difficile a comprendre. Les journalistes economiques et sociaux sont consideres comme dependants du pouvoir politique (47 %) et de l'argent (46 %). 2,5 % des repondants declarent ecrire des contributions sur ce theme sur les reseaux sociaux (et 7 % chez les plus de 55 ans)." (L'étude en 10 chiffre clés, page 16)
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"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"This research aims to understand the patterns, impact and modus operandi of gendered disinformation campaigns against women in politics in Brazil, Hungary, India, Italy and Tunisia. The case studies explore how gendered disinformation has been used by political movements, and at times the governmen
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t itself, to undermine women's political participation, and to weaken democratic institutions and human rights. Crucially, the research also looks at the responsibilities and responses that both state actors and digital platforms have taken - or most often, failed to take - to address this issue. Despite the regional and cultural diversity of the countries analyzed, several trends and patterns emerge related to gendered disinformation." (Executive summary)
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"[...] a roundtable on media sustainability was organised in collaboration with several stakeholders in the sector, to propose concrete policy recommendations to ensure the sustainability of media organisations. The roundtable brought together local media representatives, media development organisat
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ions, academics and donor representatives to discuss ways to improve the enabling environment for media sustainability in Tunisia. Discussions focused on topics such as viable business models for independent media, professional ethics and self-regulation, press freedom and the role of big technology. During the roundtables, five key recommendations were made to improve the media industry. The first recommendation is to structure the media market by collecting data, reforming public policies, regulating economically and rebuilding trust with the public. The second recommendation is to structure the advertising market by better measuring the audience, reassessing the advertising value chain, reconsidering the relationship between media and advertisers and reusing public advertising as the first lever. The third recommendation is to support digital transformation by helping existing media to digitally transform and platform, as well as by supporting the implementation of technological infrastructures. The fourth recommendation is to align donor funding with local issues to ensure that the media support the interests of their local community. Finally, the fifth recommendation is to increase skills on economic and managerial issues, in particular to media management and the challenge of existing business models." (Executive summary)
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"This book offers a ten-year perspective on ongoing and evolving practices of digital activism across the Middle East and North Africa, drawing on interviews and ethnographic evidence collected between 2012 and 2022. It examines the shifting narrative around digital activism in the region, from the
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wake of the 2011 uprisings to the 2019 series of protests coined 'the second wave of the Arab Spring'. It considers how media activists navigate the transition from the emergent to the mainstream in a climate of contentious politics, following the civil mobilisations of the pro-revolutionary youths in Tunisia, Egypt, and Lebanon. It outlines the particularities of these three different political contexts and media environments, featuring case studies of the Tunisian blogosphere, online campaigning in the Egyptian elections and interviews with social media activists. In light of this empirical evidence, the book offers a critique of the increasing prevalence of a security perspective through which online activism has been viewed and its deleterious effect on digital political engagement in the region." (Publisher description)
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"MEDIA LOVES TECH is the name and the idea behind this project that got underway in 2018. The goal is to bring together two worlds that are often too far apart: journalism and the startup community. Together with Al Khatt, a local project partner and non-governmental media organization, we wanted to
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scout, promote, develop and test innovations for the media sector. That same year, a legal support framework for startups in Tunisia came into effect, structured around a label of merit and benefits for entrepreneurs, investors and startups. Just like MEDIA LOVES TECH, it aims to support development through bold entrepreneurial spirit and innovative ideas. Since its launch, the annual MEDIA LOVES TECH incubation program, financed by the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), supports eight to twelve startups. Implemented almost entirely online, and originally as a three-day mentor-supported hackathon, it has grown to become an incubation cycle that lasts three months. It promotes all phases of a startup — from the original idea to market entry.
It has been five years since the program was started and it is still going strong. This publication is an initial assessment. Does the belief that progress comes from promoting innovation hold true? Can promoting new media projects with viable business models succeed in an unstable economic or political environment? One needs to look at various aspects to find answers. It is often said that over 90 percent of startups go under in the first two years. Still, startups are often seen as a forerunner to economic development and as having a stimulating effect on the overall economy. Even if initiatives do flop, their traces can still be found in the ecosystem. When assessing the MEDIA LOVES TECH program, it is worth reflecting on what has been achieved and gaining insights for the future. Five projects are presented here. Our team has taken an in-depth look at the projects’ stories and progress and includes key performance indicators. Measuring impact in an unsteady startup environment can be a challenge, and our success stories address this. But as we at DW Akademie believe, “big changes start small,” and so do the startups presented here." (Foreword)
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"An international team of contributors draw upon global and non-Western traditions to discuss the philosophical origins of ethics and the tension that exists between media institutions, the media market and political/ideological influencers. The chapters then unveil the discrepancies among internati
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onal journalists in abiding by the ethics of the profession and the extent to which media ethics are understood and applied in their local context/environment. Arguing that the legitimacy of ethics comes not from the definition per se, but from the extent to which it leads to social good, the book posits this should be the media’s raison d'être to abide by globally accepted ethical norms in order to serve the common good." (Publisher description)
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"The Global Handbook of Media Accountability brings together leading scholars to 'de-Westernize' the academic debate on media accountability and discuss different models of media self-regulation and newsroom transparency around the globe. With examination of the status quo of media accountability in
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forty-four countries worldwide, it offers a theoretically informed, comparative analysis of accountability regimes of different varieties. As such, it constitutes the first interdisciplinary academic framework comparing structures of media accountability across all continents and represents an invaluable basis for further research and policy-making. It will therefore appeal to scholars and students of media studies and journalism, mass communication, sociology and political science, as well as policy-makers and practitioners." (Publisher description)
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"Este relatório fornece transcrições resumidas de consultas nacionais sobre a viabilidade da mídia com as partes interessadas no setor dos meios de comunicação. As consultas nacionais são baseadas nas trocas de conhecimento e pesquisas proporcionadas pela UNESCO e pela The Economist Intellige
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nce Unit (EIU) e visam explorar a viabilidade de possíveis soluções para preservar a viabilidade da mídia sem comprometer a independência editorial e a integridade do jornalismo. As consultas nacionais foram organizadas e resumidas pela Free Press Unlimited (FPU)." (Introdução)
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"The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent to which Arab Governments limited freedom of expression and access to information for journalists while they reported on COVID-19-related issues. Design/methodology/approach: Focus group discussions were conducted with 20 journalists from Egypt
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, Jordan, Libya and Tunisia. Findings: The results of the study indicated that journalists in these countries experience violence in many forms as follows: torture, imprisonment, closure of their websites and censorship of content. In the four countries investigated, the results revealed that there is severe censorship (self-censoring and the governments) of the content presented to the public, an element that is inconsistent with the Arab Constitution, as well as international law, thus violating human rights laws. In addition, governments publish COVID-19 misinformation and at the same time, do little to support an independent media environment. Practical implications: Arab societies are in dire need of freedom of expression and the right to access information to give journalists an opportunity to cover the news during the pandemic. Originality/value: This study is important because it investigates the political changes that occurred after the Arab Spring revolutions in three countries, Egypt, Tunisia and Libya and the freedom of expression and rights is still restricted. In the same way, Jordan is a royal government that is trying to achieve democracy under a dictatorial regime. This study attempts to suggest practical solutions for journalists through various stakeholders by highlighting the importance of access to information and freedom of expression, particularly during the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. These freedoms are critical for journalists to provide health officials with information, improve the efficacy of public health interventions through feedback and prevent the spread of misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Past UNESCO support resulted in the establishment of a Monitoring Unit on the Safety of Journalists in partnership with the Union of Tunisian Journalists (Syndicat National des Journalistes Tunisiens (SNJT) and OHCHR, which has been piloted since 2018. Throughout the reporting period, the MDP has p
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rovided support to reinforce this unit, its methodology, and its coordination mechanisms. The Monitoring Unit has since provided monthly and annual reports on attacks against journalists, which include a gender-specific component. It has produced special reports on current issues, such as the electoral period of 2019, the COVID-19 crisis in 2020, and access to information in 2021. Its scope of action was also strengthened in synergy with a project on access to information funded by the German Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development. Furthermore, the safety of Tunisian journalists was reinforced through a series of capacity-building activities in 2019 and 2020, which included trainings for members of the judiciary on the safety of journalists and the rule of law, workshops on physical safety for women journalists, and workshops on preventing violent extremism and safety." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"The pandemic made inequality, discrimination, exclusion and structural inequity more palpable, and rather than stagnating in indignation, it reactivated a sense of rebellion and contestation. The strength and sharpness with which we connect social justice, gender justice, environmental justice, eco
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nomic justice and racial justice with the potentials and limitations of digital technologies is undeniable. Using this intersectional lens, we need to document and build our own narratives about the challenges that we face related to the impacts of the pandemic and reflect on how our advocacy priorities as well as the ways we do advocacy are changing and keep being modified and adjusted. At APC we have strengthened capacity to design and implement collective and contextual community responses to the multiple challenges and crises that we face, while having a greater awareness of the kind of global responses that should be prioritised, based on shared but differentiated responsibilities [...] GISWatch 2021-2022 focuses on responses to some of the fundamental questions brought by the pandemic to inform civil society’s advocacy around digital technology issues and their potential to shape future horizons. As illustrated on our cover, a sustained struggle will be necessary in the years ahead, but not only in the public spaces. A nuanced approach to advocacy will be essential to open multiple ways to bring about positive change." (Preface, page 6)
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"[…] The studies presented here […] seek to explore two questions: how have Arab diasporic communities in Europe used Arab media in transnational political action formation since 2011? And how does the use of different media platforms stimulate or confine particular diasporic action, and what do
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es this mean for our understanding of mediatized diaspora? The project conducts a comparative study between the use and users of Syrian, Tunisian, Bahraini, and Egyptian regime-critical and politically mobilized media. The four Arab countries have been selected because they represent different patterns of immigration that are formed by colonial connections and current conflicts." (Introduction, page 2)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"President Saied’s moves to undermine constitutional governance and Tunisia’s parliament pose a major challenge for further media reforms. Yet, should the political environment prove enabling, foreign donors, media assistance organizations, and other stakeholders should prioritize working with l
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ocal stakeholders to find ways to navigate Tunisia’s chaotic media regulatory environment. One focus of this effort should be on stabilizing and strengthening broadcast regulation." (Recommendations, page 7)
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