"How can current debates on ‘media capture’ be understood within the contexts of Africa and Latin America? This edited collection provides a nuanced exploration of media capture—a critical yet contested concept that examines and illuminates how media can become skewed in favour of power—whil
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e also highlighting spaces and strategies of resistance. By adopting a South-South perspective, it brings together scholars focused on these issues in both regions, featuring a dialogue between two leading scholars, Herman Wasserman and Silvio Waisbord in the Foreword. The book not only demonstrates how media practices in Africa and Latin America are influenced by the political economy of their media systems, but also contributes significantly to advancing empirical, theoretical, and comparative research on media in non-Western settings." (Publisher description)
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"• Engagement with traditional media sources such as TV, print, and news websites continues to fall, while dependence on social media, video platforms, and online aggregators grows. This is particularly the case in the United States where polling overlapped with the first few weeks of the new Trum
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p administration. Social media news use was sharply up (+6pp) but there was no ‘Trump bump’ for traditional sources.
• Personalities and influencers are, in some countries, playing a significant role in shaping public debates. One-fifth (22%) of our United States sample says they came across news or commentary from popular podcaster Joe Rogan in the week after the inauguration, including a disproportionate number of young men. In France, young news creator Hugo Travers (HugoDécrypte) reaches 22% of under-35s with content distributed mainly via YouTube and TikTok. Young influencers also play a significant role in many Asian countries, including Thailand.
• News use across online platforms continues to fragment, with six online networks now reaching more than 10% weekly with news content, compared with just two a decade ago. Around a third of our global sample use Facebook (36%) and YouTube (30%) for news each week. Instagram (19%) and WhatsApp (19%) are used by around a fifth, while TikTok (16%) remains ahead of X at 12%.
• Data show that usage of X for news is stable or increasing across many markets, with the biggest uplift in the United States (+8pp), Australia (+6pp), and Poland (+6pp). Since Elon Musk took over the network in 2022 many more right-leaning people, notably young men, have flocked to the network, while some progressive audiences have left or are using it less frequently. Rival networks like Threads, Bluesky, and Mastodon are making little impact globally, with reach of 2% or less for news.
• Changing platform strategies mean that video continues to grow in importance as a source of news. Across all markets the proportion consuming social video has grown from 52% in 2020 to 65% in 2025 and any video from 67% to 75%. In the Philippines, Thailand, Kenya, and India more people now say they prefer to watch the news rather than read it, further encouraging the shift to personality-led news creators.
• Our survey also shows the importance of news podcasting in reaching younger, better-educated audiences. The United States has among the highest proportion (15%) accessing one or more podcasts in the last week, with many of these now filmed and distributed via video platforms such as YouTube and TikTok. By contrast, many northern European podcast markets remain dominated by public broadcasters or big legacy media companies and have been slower to adopt video versions.
• TikTok is the fastest growing social and video network, adding a further 4pp across markets for news and reaching 49% of our online sample in Thailand (+10pp) and 40% in Malaysia (+9pp). But at the same time people in those markets see the network as one of the biggest threats when it comes to false or misleading information, along with Facebook.
• Overall, over half our sample (58%) say they remain concerned about their ability to tell what is true from what is false when it comes to news online, a similar proportion to last year. Concern is highest in Africa (73%) and the United States (73%), with lowest levels in Western Europe (46%).
• When it comes to underlying sources of false or misleading information, online influencers and personalities are seen as the biggest threat worldwide (47%), along with national politicians (47%). Concern about influencers is highest in African countries such as Nigeria (58%) and Kenya (59%), while politicians are considered the biggest threat in the United States (57%), Spain (57%), and much of Eastern Europe." (Executive summary, page 10-11)
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"This report offers a comprehensive snapshot of the region’s digital landscape, highlighting both remarkable progress and persisting challenges. Ninety-five per cent of the population in this region is covered by mobile broadband networks, and more than half of the countries have already achieved
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universal Internet access. However, as this report highlights, infrastructure alone is insufficient. Although connectivity extends to much of the population, only 70 per cent uses the Internet. Barriers such as affordability, digital skills, and awareness must be addressed to ensure that everyone benefits from digital opportunities.
This report underscores the region’s diversity, reflecting economies at different stages of digital development. From nations spearheading 5G deployment to those grappling with basic connectivity, the disparity is striking. The 82 percentage-point gap in Internet penetration across the region illustrates this reality. Closing these gaps will require tailored strategies that account for each country’s unique socio-economic and geographic context. The concept of universal and meaningful connectivity (UMC) serves as a guiding principle throughout this publication. UMC emphasizes not only access but also the quality of the online experience, ensuring that connectivity leads to tangible socio-economic benefits." (Foreword)
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"Fragen nach israelbezogenem Antisemitismus stellen sich in Ländern, die sich teilweise im Kriegszustand mit Israel befinden oder – wie Libanon, Irak, Saudi-Arabien und Katar – keine offiziellen Kontakte zu Israel unterhalten, anders dar als in Ländern wie Deutschland. Die hierzulande präsent
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e Diskussion um Israelkritik in Form und Inhalt spielt in den arabischen Leitmedien keine Rolle. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist dann auch die in Deutschland vorherrschende Problematisierung von Begriffen wie "vom Fluss zum Meer", Genozid und Apartheid im Zusammenhang mit dem Nahost-Konflikt in der arabischsprachigen Öffentlichkeit nicht relevant. Hier sind die arabischen Leitmedien eher dem internationalen Presse- und Wissenschaftsdiskurs und der juristischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nahostkonflikt (Internationaler Gerichtshof, Internationaler Strafgerichtshof) näher.
Weder Vernichtungsfantasien gegen Israel noch platte monokausale Argumentationen spielen in den arabischen Leitmedien eine dominierende Rolle – gleichwohl gibt es natürlich auch israelfeindliche Beiträge. Wiederum gehören – auch staatliche – israelische Stimmen zum "Informationsbuffet" der arabischen Medien. Häufig wird auch die Rolle des Westens kritisiert und dessen Haltung als einseitig angeprangert. Immer wieder wird Gaza mit der von Russland angegriffenen Ukraine verglichen und die Unterschiede in der Positionierung insbesondere der USA und europäischer Staaten als Doppelmoral kritisiert. Traditionelle antisemitische Diskurse, wie sie Shaykh Qaradawi vor 15 Jahren auf Al Jazeera pflegte, sind in der aktuellen Debatte der arabischen Leitmedien dagegen selten.
Vielfach ist ein Verlautbarungsjournalismus zu beobachten, der Vertretern und Sprechern der verschiedenen Konfliktparteien Raum für ihre medienwirksamen Äußerungen gibt. Gleichzeitig wird die Entwicklung der Kampfhandlungen und der politischen Lage durch eine Art Verlaufsjournalismus begleitet, in dem politische Analysten und auch Militärexperten das Tagesgeschehen darstellen und einordnen.
Palästinensische Perspektiven und Anliegen werden in den Medien des arabischen Raums stärker gewichtet als in Europa. Das ist naheliegend und insofern nachvollziehbar. Die Darstellung und auch die Interpretation der Ereignisse könnte sich dennoch auch im hoch emotionalen Kontext des aktuellen Gaza-Krieges durch mehr Neutralität und Ausgewogenheit auszeichnen. Insgesamt dreht sich die Berichterstattung über den Gaza-Konflikt aber vor allem um die Entwicklungen auf dem Schlachtfeld und um territoriale Ansprüche, Antisemitismus spielt dagegen eine eher untergeordnete Rolle. Wie die Berichterstattung jenseits der Leitmedien, insbesondere in den Medien der jeweiligen politischen Gruppierungen und in den Social-Media-Kanälen aussieht, bleibt in diesem Zusammenhang aber unbeantwortet und muss an einem anderen Ort geklärt werden." (Fazit)
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"Using the OECD Principles for Relevant and Effective Support to Media and the Information Environment as a lens, the GFMD mapping highlights several pressing issues.
1.The dominance of governmental funding, particularly from the United States, underscores the sector’s heavy reliance on a narrow r
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ange of external donors. When these donors pause or withdraw, countless media outlets face abrupt funding gaps and, in some cases, closure.
2.Though there is growing acknowledgement of the need to “localise” support, most aid continues to flow through European and American intermediaries, with limited direct funding to local organisations.
3.Financial sustainability is often overshadowed by more traditional capacity-building, project-based and topic-focused programs—even though robust business models and revenue diversification have emerged, in every mapping and survey, as the top criteria for long-term viability.
These findings reveal a sector where investigative journalism, research, and advocacy remain critically underfunded, and where donor policies can make or break entire media ecosystems. Worse still, the freeze on U.S. foreign assistance has amplified existing pressures. Independent outlets—especially in conflict affected contexts—are contending with mounting operational challenges just when citizens need reliable news and information the most." (Main cocnlusions and key trends, page 3)
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"All over the world, satirists courageously stand up for democratic values, often under extremely difficult conditions. Through their art, they create spaces for freedom and challenge authorities. On the other hand, extremists use humour for their political purposes too: They ridicule those who diss
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ent and make fun of democratic values. It is not helpful that political debates are increasingly taking place in digital spaces that lack transparency and fair rules." (Publisher description)
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"This article discusses public relations (PR) and advertising in the work of the rabbi in Israel. The rabbi's influence is felt within the religious population such as through the Sabbath sermon from the synagogue pulpit to congregants, but the media is an additional channel to spreading the rabbi's
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religious message. The traditional, and secular Israeli Jewish population-as distinct from religiously observant (25 per cent of the Israeli Jewish population)-have no regular daily or weekly interaction with the synagogue, which raises the question of the rabbis using extra-synagogual channels to reach them, notably mass media channels. In order to throw light on rabbis' attitudes to public relations, the author carried out a survey of Israeli rabbis. Overall, differences were found between rabbis' attitudes to PR and actual practice. The actual appearance of rabbis in the media is less. In attitudinal terms, Haredi or ultra-Orthodox rabbis scored highly in rating the importance of PR, compared to rabbis from other streams, even though Haredi rabbis live in cultural ghettos and Jewish life for them is focused on the synagogue and Torah learning. Reaching beyond the pulpit was also important for the more intensive substream of modern orthodoxy, "Hardal". By corollary, it was surprising that PR among the non-Orthodox rabbis-notwithstanding that their arena of religious outreach was secular Israel-was rated lower." (Abstract)
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"Erstmals wird mit diesem Buch eine alle Epochen umfassende Monographie über den Irak bis zur Gegenwart vorgelegt, und zwar aus Sicht des Christentums. Die religionswissenschaftliche Untersuchung rückt dabei auch die islamischen Strömungen sowie weitere religiöse Minderheiten und Ethnien, insbes
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ondere die Jesiden, in den Fokus. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf dem 20. und 21. Jahrhundert. Mit Blick auf den politischen Kontext wird der Sturz Saddam Husseins analysiert, die Verfassungsentwürfe untersucht und den Wurzeln der Entstehung des Terrorregimes des „Islamischen Staates“ nachgegangen. Diese Darstellung der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Faktoren wird um das Wirken der christlichen Kirchen im Irak ergänzt. Dabei nimmt die Diplomatie des Heiligen Stuhls im Zweistromland breiten Raum ein. Die wissenschaftliche Untersuchung mit einem umfassenden Literaturverzeichnis und unbekannten Archivmaterialien verbindet die Sicht von Religion und Politik im Irak. Sie ist eine Hommage an die Christen, die – trotz des anhaltenden Exodus – im Land verblieben sind, und eine Erinnerung an die ungezählten vom Terror ermordeten Opfer von Christen und Jesiden. Die kenntnisreiche Analyse der Reise von Papst Franziskus in den Irak 2021 macht deutlich, dass die Christen eine Zukunft im Land einfordern, am Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft mitwirken wollen und für eine friedliche Koexistenz werben, wie sie über Jahrhunderte praktiziert wurde. Ihr Handeln ist ein Zeugnis dafür, dass sie wesentlicher Motor einer Versöhnungsgeschichte sind, die in die Gesellschaft hineinwirkt. Die Realität ist trotzdem bitter: Das Christentum im Irak steht vor seinem Ende. Wenn es nicht zu einer politischen Wende im Land kommt und stattdessen radikalisierende Weltbilder weiter zunehmen, droht das Christentum zu erlöschen. So müssen die irakischen Christen für ihr kulturelles Erbe auch künftig um das Überleben kämpfen. Ihren blutigen und steinigen Weg bis heute zeichnet der Autor nach. „Iraks christliches Erbe“ ist das historische und religionswissenschaftliche Kaleidoskop eines reichen Vermächtnisses in der Wiege der Menschheit." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Muqtada al-Sadr’s charismatic authority helps enable his power to emotionally motivate millions from the religious populist Sadri movement to partake in elections, protests, and armed struggle in Iraq. Hybrid media is a significant space that promotes his charisma via ‘epistemic modes’, which
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are contestations over what types of knowledge are deemed true. This paper conducts a virtual ethnography of Sadri hybrid media, whilst contending for the ‘affective bond’ as a suitable conceptual framework to analyse content that propagates al-Sadr’s image. The affective bond treats charisma as absolute trust, premised upon followers’ recognition of their leader as a symbol of legitimacy, hope, and authenticity. This highlights the interrelationship between these perceptions in creating charisma. Concurrently, the affective bond renders visible how everyday online communicative and interpretive practices transform Sadri hybrid media into a space whereby performance, culture, stories, narratives, structural circumstances, and religio-populist identity, intersect to produce Muqtada’s charisma through audiovisual materials." (Abstract)
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"What does it mean to decolonise academia in Africa? Is this important project limited to the humanities? Is it a project for the future? Are there forerunners at African universities today? The contributors to this volume show different trajectories for anthropology as a discipline and for decoloni
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sing academia across the continent and beyond. They offer a variety of perspectives, especially regarding collaboration between African and German scholars in the areas of research, teaching and institutional development: While some are hopeful and take inspiration from earlier experiences of disciplinary and methodological developments in academic decolonisation and international collaborations, others remain critical and call for more radical attempts at decolonisation." (Publisher description)
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"Through extensive fieldwork and archival research, Febe Armanios explores how Western evangelicals and indigenous Christians harnessed terrestrial and satellite technologies to promote Christian television in the Middle East. The sixteen channels analyzed in this study fall into three main categori
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es: Western-backed conservative outlets with a charismatic and apocalyptic outlook; middle-ground channels that sought to balance their international sponsors' expectations with local interests; and grassroots initiatives rooted in ancient church traditions. The histories and programming strategies of primarily Arabic, but also Turkish and Persian, Christian channels reveal how media producers forged unexpected political alliances, pursued sectarian objectives, and navigated various transnational influences. Satellite Ministries explores how modern expressions of faith, technology, and political power intersected and clashed across the Global South and beyond." (Publisher description)
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"This article draws upon a multi-sited ethnography of everyday labour in Lebanon’s digital cash assistance for Syrian refugees. The datafication of humanitarian infrastructures generates technological breakdown, gaps in data and incredibly strict and cumbersome rules. In response to impediments re
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lated to biometric identification and automated poverty targeting, this article argues that humanitarian staff, refugee recipients and community members engage in ‘repair work’ – the subtle and quotidian labour that goes into addressing fragility and maintaining functionality. Inspired by feminist studies of labour, repair work is found to be invisible in being undervalued, unpaid and reproductive, which is reminiscent of labour that has historically fallen to disenfranchised people. Repair work also enables data workers to assert their autonomy and contest infrastructures that they framed as being unreasonable and unjust. In doing so, findings suggest that repair work is fundamental to the ability of data-driven aid programmes to cater to the needs of populations in crisis. This paper marks two contributions to understanding the promise and perils of ‘Technology for Good’: it introduces repair work as a novel conceptual framework to analyse labour involved in the datafication of aid, and it applies new empirical evidence to critical studies of data work." (Abstract)
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"In Media Compass: A Companion to International Media Landscapes, an international team of prominent scholars examines both long-term media systems and fluctuating trends in media usage around the world. Integrating country-specific summaries and cross-cutting studies of geopolitical regions, this i
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nterdisciplinary reference work describes key elements in the political, social, demographic, cultural, and economic conditions of media infrastructures and public communication. Enabling the mapping of media landscapes internationally, Media Compass contains up-to-date empirical surveys of individual countries and regions, as well as cross-country comparisons of particular areas of public communication. 45 entries, each guiding readers from a general summary to a more in-depth discussion of a country’s specific media landscape, address formative conditions and circumstances, historical background and development, current issues and challenges, and more." (Publisher description)
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"This book provides an important set of critical reflections from a selection of foundational scholars of African media and communication studies through biographical method. The book interrogates the center of mainstream academic scholarship by providing the foundational history and origins of an A
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fricanist conceptual model while highlighting its significance globally. The editors use biographical and life story interviews to critically review the respondents’ interpretations of their key works and arguments in relation to key moments in the field, the continent and globally. Though the book is focussed on recovering pioneering arguments by key thinkers in African media and communication, efforts of individual academics are to be understood in the context of their work with others and within institutions that are networked, locally and globally. By bringing together many of the leading figures of African communication and media studies in a single volume, this book provides a critical corrective to the dearth of knowledge and information about who the key thinkers are and what their key arguments, theories and models for media and communication in African contexts entail." (Publisher description)
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"The presence of cameras, at the forefront of crises, either in the hands of journalists, bystanders or passers-by and sometimes even parties to the crises, has inspired multiple visual notations, commentaries and perspectives. Thus, efforts and resources are channelled towards documenting crises, t
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o help us better understand them and play a part in their resolution. Sometimes, the camera also participates in the adjudication of cases arising from crises or, indeed, even in the reconciliatory efforts after a crisis. The book aims to explore the multi-dimensional role of the camera in times of crises, with particular interest in how scholars view the camera as a [useful] tool in times of crisis in Africa. Hopefully, this book will help unravel the multi-layered tendencies of the camera as an instrument of documentation, history verification, (re)presentation of the other, and perhaps the legitimisation of narratives. The camera’s subjective framings of crisis narratives, as a manipulative tool for influence, inference and power are also explored. The book is structured into three parts. The first part focusses on the visual narratives of crises. The second part of the book explores the camera’s tendency to be a tool for representation and agency, while the third segment discusses the use of the camera as an entity for activism and advocacy in crises. These structured parts are intended to broaden the understanding of readers about the greater possibilities that images and imageries from the camera as a tool possess." (Abstract introduction, page 1)
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"The transformations in the media and political landscapes in Egypt over the last decade and their implications on media pluralism and freedom of expression are well documented. However, less is known about how Egyptian journalists themselves experience these changes; how their relationships with au
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thorities and ordinary citizens are being redefined, and how journalists’ routines and practices are evolving. Through interviews with twenty Egyptian journalists working for different types of media outlets (government-owned, independent, privately owned, opposition and new start-ups), this article records and analyses journalists’ experiences with both authorities and citizens amid the current transitional period, assessing to what extent these relationships and experiences are impacting journalism practices in Egypt. Findings reveal that journalists perceive a hostile stance from both officials and ordinary citizens towards journalists due to a common belief that journalists played a role in the removal of previous regimes and therefore are seen as “destabilising agents”. This prevents journalists from accessing both information and news sources, forcing journalists to produce unified content and practice self-censorship and “service journalism” as opposed to original and investigative stories. These challenges are discussed in light of research on media and democratic transition." (Abstract)
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"By preserving independence, Syrian media is trusted to promote dialogue, providing a platform for diverse voices and fosters a culture of critical thinking and public debate, the media acts as a catalyst for inclusive recovery and sustainable development. It lays the groundwork for a resilient, dem
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ocratic, and prosperous future. Donors, partners and Syrian media must prioritise developing and protecting independent media to ensure its role as a pillar of Syria’s recovery and transformation.This policy paper aims to guide stakeholders in leveraging the independent media's potential to significantly impact Syria's early recovery phase, advocating for a strategic, long-term investment in media infrastructure and capabilities." (Executive summary)
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"Sections of the book engage in critical reflection on what peacebuilding effectiveness is and who gets to decide, provide practical examples and case studies of the successes and failures of assessing peacebuilding work, and support innovative strategies and tools to move the field forward. Chapter
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s reflect a variety of perspectives on peacebuilding effectiveness and methods—quantitative, qualitative, and participatory—to evaluate peacebuilding efforts, with particular attention to approaches that center those local to the peacebuilding process. Practitioners and policymakers alike will find useful arguments and approaches for evaluating peacebuilding activities and making the case for funding such efforts." (Publisher description)
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"Throughout 2023, a wide range of social and political developments both locally and globally, had a profound impact on the digital spHere In 2023, Israel’s constant assaults on Palestinian communities in the West Bank, coupled with unprecedented levels of aggression inflicted on Gaza have led to
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an alarming escalation in human rights violations against Palestinians living in the occupied Palestinian territory and Palestinian citizens of Israel. This rapid deterioration has coincided with a simultaneous targeting of digital rights, not just for Palestinians but also those who advocate for Palestinian human rights. During the same period, Israeli authorities cracked down on digital rights by persecuting Palestinians for simply expressing their views or opinions on various online platforms, through a variety of measures including censorship, surveillance and arrests. Furthermore, Israel persistently and intentionally disrupted communications and internet infrastructure in Gaza. In addition to introducing draconian legislation to restrict freedom of expression and criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza. This included vague and discriminatory legislation such as the ninth amendment to the anti-terrorism law, which refers to the alleged consumption of what Israel deems as terrorist publications. These violations occurred within the broader framework of government policies to expand surveillance and digital repression of Palestinians, including the deployment of mass surveillance tools and mobilization of a vast voluntary movement to report individuals expressing criticism of Israeli policies.
Social media platforms played a key role in facilitating Israel’s oppressive measures. While social media companies, especially Meta’s online platforms, have long been accused of restricting Palestinian content, the evidence shows that these policies intensified in 2023, despite prior commitments to address these discriminatory policies. The most notable measures included mass content removals and extensive “shadowbanning” of users criticizing Israel or posting in support of Palestinians. During Israel’s war on Gaza, these content restrictions and removals soared to unprecedented levels. Users of Meta’s platforms, including journalists, activists, media pages and those simply documenting reality on the ground or posting in support of Palestinian rights were subject to account banning, content removal and other restrictive measures. Such policies appeared to explicitly target those in support of Palestinian rights, with the purpose of restricting freedom of information, and censoring the Palestinian narrative." (Executive summary)
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