"This document presents the joint interim (annual) deliverable for Question 4/1, “Economic aspects of national telecommunications/ICTs”, and Question 5/1, “Telecommunications/ICTs for rural and remote areas”. It concerns the challenges and opportunities associated with using universal servic
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e funds to bridge the digital divide." (Executive summary)
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"The Digital Skills Toolkit is a guide for governments to develop national digital skills strategies. The aim is to provide governments with step-by-step guidelines and multiple examples that cover a wide range of contexts to draw upon from around the world. The toolkit is for all countries - those
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with existing digital skills strategies since technological change requires continuous monitoring and review, and those without existing digital skills strategies to assist them with a structured process for development of a comprehensive and implementable national strategy. Most countries today are likely to have digital skills strategies under multiple government ministries and departments, such as ICT, digital transformation, education, labour, health, or rural development. This toolkit is intended to assist countries in developing a comprehensive national strategy that reforms and unites individual strategies for enhanced synergies and efficiencies." (Page 3)
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"Governments have updated penal codes and national security laws, enacted fake news and cybersecurity laws as well as laws that govern internet service providers and technology companies. These laws have widely been used to block and remove online content that call out blind spots in government poli
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cies and to intimidate and prosecute these content creators through hefty fines and jail time. Efforts to hold political office holders and government officials accountable for their policies are increasingly penalised. These government actions have significantly impacted civil society actors in numerous ways. First, individuals and organisations utilising the online sphere to hold government officials and policies accountable have come under intense scrutiny, resulting in the criminalisation of critics and the blocking and removal of online content deemed sensitive by state authorities. Second, the effectiveness of civil society in holding governments accountable is compromised, as state authorities routinely direct internet service providers and technology companies to block or remove online content considered sensitive or illegal. Consequently, individuals and organisations increasingly find their digital content at risk of being blocked or removed, succumbing to government directives to internet service providers and technology companies. This diminishes civil society’s calls for accountability. Third, on several instances, governments have imposed internet shutdowns - particularly during elections and politically sensitive periods - to disrupt the information flow. Ultimately, this has limited civil society’s ability to send and receive communications effectively to mobilise people to hold governments publicly accountable during politically important instances. Fourth, troll ng has surfaced as a mainstream strategy to harass and intimidate individuals and organisations who seek to hold governments accountable. Typically orchestrated by organised groups or cybertroopers, these digital attacks increasingly involve online hate speech directed at women who call out blindspots in government policies. Fifth, the ways of working of INGOs and CSOs have changed, leading many organisations to restrict the scope and assertiveness of their communications to shield themselves from government retribution and trolling. Some entities have opted to remove the visibility of their organisations, incorporating measures such as disallowing the use of their logos or the publishing of videos, photos and text by local partners in order to distance themselves from particular activities and contents of knowledge products. Given these developments, the principal recommendation is that key stakeholders, including international organisations, governments, ISPs and technology companies, and civil society actors, should recognise that criticism of government policies and officials is a legitimate activity and a vital form of expression for civil society. Hence, any measures, whether legal or non-legal, that interfere with or criminalise this legitimate activity should be rescinded or disallowed. Instead, measures should be put in place to ensure that civil society is empowered to call out the blind spots in government policies." (Executive summary)
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"The objective of this report is two-fold. First, the report breaks down the energy and emissions profile of the sector and assesses the 30 highest emitting countries for telecommunications while providing global estimates for other ICT sector segments. The report uses a key framework for categorizi
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ng energy use and emissions, the Greenhouse Gas Protocol Corporate Standard. Scope 1: Emissions are direct emissions from owned or controlled sources; Scope 2: Emissions are indirect emissions from the generation of purchased electricity, steam, heating, and cooling consumed by the firm; Scope 3: Emissions are all indirect emissions, upstream or downstream, (not included in Scope 2) that occur in the firm’s value chain. Second, the report addresses the policy and regulatory implications inferred from this data and the examination of these issues through several country case studies." (Executive summary, page 2)
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"Das vorliegende Papier soll die Umsetzung des neuen Digital Services Act (DSA) konstruktiv aus einer kinderrechtlichen Perspektive begleiten. Dabei wird gezeigt, welche Potenziale sich aus dem DSA ergeben, um Kinderrechte im Digitalen zu stärken. Im Fokus stehen Anbietermaßnahmen sowie auch Präv
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entions- und Befähigungsanliegen. Dabei wird über Points to Consider erarbeitet, was kinderrechtliche Good- und Best-Practice-Ansätze bei der Erfüllung der Anforderungen des DSA ausmacht." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This Charter outlines normative directions and an action agenda for a feminist approach to digital transformation, based on wide-ranging consultations with nearly 100 participants from the Global South. It calls for key principles of digital governance – openness, freedom and security – to serv
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e as a guide in attaining constructive pluralism, equitable and just societies, and flourishing futures across our planet. It asserts that the UN Global Digital Compact must secure state and corporate accountability for protecting women’s human rights in the digital age, a new global social contract for a socially just digital transition, and institutional arrangements to ensure network and data resources become part of the commons." (Title page)
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"Online and platform content that may cause harm through the breach of human rights is sufficiently widespread to have raised concerns about the potentially severe implications for the future of trust, safety, democracy and sustainable development. A certain amount of this content is curbed by the d
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ominant commercial platforms’ content moderation mechanisms. Much still escapes their nets and in worst cases is algorithmically amplified and even supported by advertising. Some smaller platforms expressly allow hatred and conspiracy theories, even facilitating the organisation of offline attacks on democracy. The roots of the problems lie in : ‘attention economics’, automated advertising systems, external manipulators, company spending priorities and stakeholder knowledge deficits. Of value in addressing these problems will be the development of guidelines for regulating platforms, centred on safeguarding human rights, promoting transparency and limiting the business processes and technical mechanisms that underpin potentially harmful content online." (Key trends uncovered, page 2)
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"Platform problems are linked to the fact that they are not self-governing according to agreed industry standards but mainly ‘solo-governing’ when it comes to content curation and moderation. Reaction to the failure of current platform efforts to regulate content includes the danger of over-regu
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lation by state entities, which carries real risks to freedom of expression. The purview of what may need to be part of new regulatory arrangements includes the interplay between policy, practice, business models and technology. There is a pluralism of platforms and other actors in the “tech stack”, who have different roles in the online content landscape, with concomitant implications for regulatory arrangements. Independent media, whistle-blowers and civil society organisations are significant factors in pushing platform accountability but mechanisms of transparency should be considered for regulatory protections and support. New technology is raising new challenges for platforms’ content moderation. Platform policy and practice is especially significant for elections." (Key trends uncovered, page 2)
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"Platform policies lack clarity about the relationship between them, and also about how policies should be applied at global and local levels. How platforms understand and identify harms is insufficiently mapped to human rights standards, and there is a gap in how policy elements should deal with di
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fferent rights or with business models when there are tensions. Policies are not always transparent and do not provide sufficiently for risk assessment. Implementation and enforcement by platforms have serious shortfalls, while attempts to improve outcomes by automating moderation have their limits. Inequalities in policy and practice abound in relation to different categories of people, countries and languages. Of value in addressing these problems could be the development of guidance for the governance and regulation of frameworks that sets out suggested standards and parameters for platform policies and related operations." (Key trends uncovered, page 2)
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"This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines risks that contemporary social media - focusing in particular on the most widely-used platforms - present for democracy, the rul
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e of law and fundamental rights. The study focuses on the governance of online content, provides an assessment of existing EU law and industry practices which address these risks, and evaluates potential opportunities and risks to fundamental rights and other democratic values." (Abstract)
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"The Guidelines outline a set of duties, responsibilities and roles for States, digital platforms, intergovernmental organizations, civil society, media, academia, the technical community and other stakeholders to enable the environment where freedom of expression and information are in the core of
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digital platforms governance processes. The Guidelines were produced through a multi-stakeholder consultation that gathered more than 10,000 comments from 134 countries. These global-scale consultations fostered inclusive participation, ensuring a diversity of voices to be heard, including those from groups in situation of marginalization and vulnerability. Cultivating an Internet of Trust is a shared responsibility among all stakeholders. It calls upon us all to sustain an enabling environment for freedom of expression and the right to information." (Short summary)
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"The three countries [Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, and Kenya] provide evidence of online hate speech and disinformation affecting human rights offline. The evidence is not comprehensive yet clear enough to raise serious concerns. Online gender-based violence is also reported as critical in the
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three countries. In the three countries, national legislation to address harmful content shows some degree of inconsistency in comparison to international standards, notably in relation to the protection of freedom of expression. The reasons for such inconsistency vary among countries. The effective enforcement of legal frameworks is uneven in all three countries. Social and cultural inequalities are often reproduced in government or judicial decisions, and vagueness in legislation opens space for discretionary decisions. Platform companies have offices in Indonesia and Kenya, but not in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the three countries, there is a lack of transparency in how companies allocate the roles of moderation tasks, including the number of different language moderators and their trusted partners and sources. Companies do not process content moderation in some of the main local languages and community standards are not entirely or promptly available in local languages." (Executive summary)
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"The proliferation of hate speech and disinformation on online platforms has serious implications for human rights, trust and safety as per international human rights law and standards. The mutually-reinforcing determinants of the problems are: ‘attention economics’; automated advertising system
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s; external manipulators; company spending priorities; stakeholder knowledge deficits; and flaws in platforms’ policies and in their implementation. How platforms understand and identify harms is insufficiently mapped to human rights standards, and there is a gap in how generic policy elements should deal with local cases, different rights and business models when there are tensions. Enforcement by platforms of their own terms of service to date has grave shortfalls, while attempts to improve outcomes by automating moderation have their limitations. Inequalities in policy and practice abound in relation to different categories of people, countries and languages, while technology advances are raising even more challenges. Problems of ‘solo-regulation’ by individual platforms in content curation and moderation are paralleled by harms associated with unilateral state regulation. Many countries have laws governing content online, but their vagueness fuels arbitrary measures by both authorities and platforms. Hybrid regulatory arrangements can help by elaborating transparency requirements, and setting standards for mandatory human rights impact assessments." (Key messages)
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"This country report provides an overview of the extent to which gender is addressed in Ethiopia’s digital policies, strategies, and regulations, divided into categories such as international development instruments, national digital policies and strategies, and digital sector-related laws and reg
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ulations. The report includes a non-exhaustive list of specific programmes supporting digital inclusion in Ethiopia. The five pillars considered for analysis of gender in ICT strategies, policies and regulations are access to digital technology, digital skills, financial inclusion, entrepreneurship and leadership and digital infrastructure. There are explicit references to digital gender equality in Ethiopia’s digital policies and strategies. Based on the findings from the study, the report has a set of recommendations to enhance policies, laws, and regulations. There is a comprehensive checklist of preliminary policy actions that will help narrow the gender gap in Ethiopia. These range from ensuring women’s enrolment and completion of secondary and tertiary education to involving the private sector when making digital policies to facilitating women’s access to international networks." (Foreword)
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"Indonesia is in the lowest category on the Global Connectivity Index 2020 in terms of ICT investment, ICT maturity and digital economic performance. It should close the Internet connectivity gap in every educational facility so as to ensure educational opportunities, a productive knowledge-based ec
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onomy and, ultimately, graduation to a higher category. Internet service affordability is another factor contributing to the urban–rural digital divide, which has widened during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite national spending by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, 40 per cent of students and teachers remain unconnected for reasons related to affordability.
Although Indonesia has reached target prices for mobile Internet service of 1.17 (pre-paid) and 1.40 per cent (post-paid), the requirement to study and teach from home has led to a surge in demand at the same time as it has highlighted the high cost of Internet use in education. The way in which the Internet has been used to study during the pandemic makes it unaffordable for teachers and students [...]
Despite the best efforts of the digital/telecommunication and education sectors, the residual gaps are indicative of a critical policy issue, as revealed by further analyses. Without proper policy intervention, the education sector will continue to suffer the severe impact of connectivity affordability and accessibility gaps. The following policy interventions are recommended to address these gaps: • Option 1: Issue a new presidential decree expanding BAKTI’s programme for school connectivity beyond the current 3T areas; Option 2: Expand the current Internet access programme beyond the 3T areas to connect schools that are most in need, targeting schools in underserved areas. Option 3: To enhance affordability, have BAKTI focus on coverage programmes (e.g. subsidized base transceiver stations), not only in 3T areas, but also where students and teachers live, and the schools become the universal connectivity target. Option 4: If BAKTI has implemented all supply-side interventions, but affordability remains an issue, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology could consider providing demand-side subsidies for underprivileged groups of students and teachers." (Executive summary, pages 27-28)
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"Digitale Monopole bringen immer größere Teile unserer Lebenswelt unter ihre Kontrolle. Die Plattformen dominieren zunehmend die politische Meinungsbildung und schaffen zugleich unsere freie Marktwirtschaft ab. Man fragt sich: Ist das überhaupt noch legal? Warum sollten wir uns das noch länger g
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efallen lassen? Der Medienwissenschaftler Martin Andree zeigt messerscharf, wie weit die feindliche Übernahme unserer Gesellschaft durch die Tech-Giganten schon fortgeschritten ist - und wie wir uns das Internet zurückerobern können." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book explores how digital authoritarianism operates in India, Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and how religion can be used to legitimize digital authoritarianism within democracies. In doing so, it explains how digital authoritarianism operates at various technological levels includ
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ing sub-network level, proxy level, and user level, and elaborates on how governments seek to control cyberspace and social media. In each of these states, governments, in an effort to prolong – or even make permanent – their rule, seek to eliminate freedom of expression on the internet, punish dissidents, and spread pro-state propaganda. At the same time, they instrumentalize religion to justify and legitimize digital authoritarianism. Governments in these five countries, to varying degrees and at times using different methods, censor the internet, but also use digital technology to generate public support for their policies, key political figures, and at times their worldview or ideology. They also, and again to varying degrees, use digital technology to demonize religious and ethnic minorities, opposition parties, and political dissidents." (Publisher description)
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