"[...] The MPM2021 covers, on this occasion, 32 countries, 27 EU and 5 non-EU (Candidate countries) [...] The results of the MPM2021 show an increase in the risk level for all the areas that the Media Pluralism Monitor analyses: Fundamental protection, Market Plurality, Political Independence and So
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cial Inclusiveness. The increase is higher in the Social Inclusiveness and in the Market area; in the last case, causing the shift from the medium to the high risk level for the average of EU + 5." (Conclusions and recommendations, page 145)
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"The most effective propaganda resonates with audiences’ underlying worldviews and personal experiences. In order to fight it, one has to understand the mindsets that it preys on. This paper sets out to do exactly that. We first track a set of Kremlin-aligned propaganda narratives across Ukrainian
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media, then measure their overall traction through a representative national survey conducted by the Center for Security Studies (CSS) at ETH Zurich, and finally use focus groups to understand their deeper appeal and impact. This gives us a uniquely holistic view of contemporary propaganda: from its sources, dissemination, and impact on society right through to how it is received and perceived from the point of view of audiences. The narratives in question include accusations that George Soros’ minions run Ukrainian politics, that the US is building secret bioweapons in Ukraine, and that shadowy “Western curators” secretly control the government. CSS survey data shows that approximately 40% of Ukrainians believe these narratives. They are in turn part of a larger message that sees Ukraine as perpetually under attack from nefarious Western forces. While individual narratives can change over time, this meta-narrative remains. Outright disinformation, conspiratorial thinking, and anti-Western messages combine in a toxic mix. The overall aim is to undermine refo rms, strengthen vested economic interests, alienate Ukraine from its Western partners, and push the country back into Russia’s orbit. While explicitly pro-Russian narratives have become a harder sell in Ukraine since the Kremlin opted to invade the country in 2014, these narratives don’t so much boost Russia as try to make the rest of the world look just as malign. They resonate outside of the usual “pro-Russian” bubble in Ukraine and spread among audiences that are often viscerally opposed to the Kremlin." (Exeuctive summary)
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"In der jüngeren Geschichte wurde wohl noch nie so deutlich die Existenz und die Wirkmacht von Verschwörungstheorien vor Augen geführt wie in der Corona-Pandemie. Was lange als Randphänomen in dunklen Nischen des Internets galt, scheint auf einmal allgegenwärtig. Von der Nachbarin bis zum Abgeo
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rdneten im US-Kongress reicht das Spektrum derer, die hinter der Pandemie ein Komplott vermuten: das Coronavirus existiere entweder gar nicht oder sei absichtlich in die Welt gesetzt worden. In beiden Varianten steckt die Vorstellung, dass die Pandemie bloß ein Vorwand einer Gruppe Verschworener sei, deren eigentliches Ziel die Errichtung einer weltumspannenden Diktatur ist. Derartige „Theorien“ werden nicht geglaubt, weil sie inhaltlich überzeugend wären. Sie werden von Menschen geglaubt, die an sie glauben wollen. Denn sie bieten eine Erklärung der Welt an, die komplexe Ereignisse und Prozesse auf eine einfache Ursache zurückführt – in der Regel die Machenschaften dunkler Mächte. Derartige Behauptungen verbreiten sich in einem Netzwerk aus Medien, vermeintlichen Expertinnen und Aktivisten, die Fakten umdeuten, aber auch „alternative“ Fakten und Statistiken – oder: alternatives Wissen – verbreiten. Anlass zur Sorge bietet nicht nur die Verbindung von Verschwörungstheorien mit Rechtsextremismus und Antisemitismus, sondern auch die Entkopplung eines Teils der Bevölkerung von der Realität." (Editorial, Seite 3)
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"This article presents new empirical insights into what people do with conspiracy theories during crises. By suppressing the impulse to distinguish between truth and falsehood, which has characterized most scholarship on the COVID-19 “infodemic,” and engaging with claims surrounding two popular
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COVID-19 conspiracies—on 5G and on Bill Gates—in South Africa and Nigeria, we illustrate how conspiracies morph as they interact with different socio-political contexts. Drawing on a mixed-method analysis of more than 6 million tweets, we examine how, in each country, conspiracies have uniquely intersected with longer-term discourses and political projects. In Nigeria, the two conspiracies were both seized as opportunities to extend criticism to the ruling party. In South Africa, they produced distinctive responses: while the 5G conspiracy had limited buy-in, the Gates conspiracy resonated with deep-rooted resentment toward the West, corporate interests, and what is seen as a paternalistic attitude of some external actors toward Africa. These findings stress the importance of taking conspiracy theories seriously, rather than dismissing them simply as negative externalities of digital ecosystems. Situating conspiracies in specific dynamics of trust and mistrust can make an important difference when designing responses that are not limited to broadcasting truthful information, but can also enable interventions that account for deeply rooted sentiments of suspicion toward specific issues and actors, which can vary significantly across communities." (Abstract)
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"Chapter 1, by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), presents an overview of indicators from the Global State of Democracy Indices, which provide complementary indicators to measure progress on SDG Targets 16.3; 16.5, on reducing corruption and brib
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ery in all their forms; 16.6, on developing effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels; and 16.7, on ensuring responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative decision-making at all levels. Chapter 2, by the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), covers SDG 16.1, highlighting research on governmentproduced disinformation and censorship, and honouring the important work done by journalists worldwide, while also analysing challenges to data collection during the Covid-19 pandemic. The chapter also analyses trends in violent conflict in past years and ends by highlighting potential innovations in data collection that could enhance independent monitoring of SDG 16. Chapters 3 and 4, by the Centre for Law and Democracy and the Global Forum for Media Development analyse data collection methods and assess progress on SDG 16.10, the challenge of disinformation during the pandemic (Chapter 3), and on access to information (Chapter 4). Chapter 5, by the World Justice Project (WJP), uses data from the recently launched World Justice Project Rule of Law Index® 2021 to analyse progress on SDG 16.3, on promoting the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensuring equal access to justice for all. The chapter also points to new types of data collection methods that can help improve independent reporting on this target." (Introduction)
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"This paper problematizes the role of the Georgian mainstream media in the current polarized political environment. First, political actors, including the government and political parties, significantly affect the way these media organizations work. Second, mainstream media outlets behave as direct
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extensions of political actors, contributing to the divided and radicalized political atmosphere. The paper first describes the current major political and management shifts in several media companies. Then, it demonstrates specific examples of media work when TV companies simply disregard professional standards for the sake of engaging in political battles during elections. The Georgian media system certainly needs much more detailed research to construct the full picture; nevertheless, this paper sketches the current state of the polarized mainstream media that could serve as a basis for future explorations." (Abstract)
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"Social media technology is having a dramatic impact on social and political dynamics around the world. The contributors to this book document and illustrate this "techtonic" shift on violent conflict and democratic processes. They present vivid examples and case studies from countries in Africa, So
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uth and Southeast Asia, Latin America as well as Northern Ireland. Each author maps an array of peacebuilding solutions to social media threats, including coordinated action by civil society, governments and tech companies to protect human minds, relationships and institutions. Solutions presented include inoculating society with a new digital literacy agenda, designing technology for positive social impacts, and regulating technology to prohibit the worst behaviours." (Publisher description)
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"To what extent do structures and conduct of leading news media correspond with requirements of contemporary democracies? Based on a root concept of democracy and several empirical indicators, the Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) delivers a panorama of the news media’s performance regarding freed
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om, equality, and control across several countries. In 2011, the MDM analysed 10 democracies. Ten years later, it covers 18 countries worldwide and pinpoints essential strengths and weaknesses during this decade of digitalisation. Around the globe, news are highly attractive to users, and the journalistic ethos of watchdogs and investigators is paramount. On the downside, journalistic job security eroded over time, and gender gaps both in content and employment patterns remain strikingly excessive in most countries. Volume two contains all countries analysed for the first time in 2021: Belgium (Flanders), Canada, Chile, Denmark, Greece, Hong Kong, Iceland, Italy, and South Korea." (Publisher description)
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"This paper investigates the dynamic relationship between hybrid media and hybrid politics in Lebanon and Tunisia. While previous research on the media in hybrid regimes has mainly focused on regime strategies of restricting and manipulating public debate, our analysis moves beyond repression. We ar
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gue that the ambiguities of hybrid politics, which combines democratic and authoritarian elements, not only constrain independent and critical reporting but also open up opportunities for journalistic agencies. We draw on Schedler’s concept of informational uncertainty to capture the epistemological instability of hybrid regimes and the strategies of political actors to control public knowledge. Distinguishing between three dimensions of media hybridity - economic, cultural and technological - we show how the new hybrid media environment significantly increases the volatility of hybrid politics and informational uncertainty for political actors. Our empirical analysis is based on seventy-one semistructured interviews with journalists in Lebanon and Tunisia conducted between 2016 and 2019. The material reveals a broad range of strategies used by journalists who employ the internal contradictions of hybrid politics to pursue their own agenda. The comparison between Lebanon and Tunisia also highlights contextual conditions that enable, or limit, journalistic agency, such as clientelistic dependencies, economic resources, and civil society alliances." (Abstract)
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"El retroceso económico causado por la pandemia no define a la región, sino simplemente acentúa sus características. En otras palabras, en América Latina se han robustecido las razones por las cuales sus pueblos han estado en las calles de sus ciudades, como refleja esta medición 2020 de Latin
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obarómetro, realizada en plena pandemia. Los resultados muestran que no hay ilusión, no se ha disipado el malestar anterior, sino que parece reafirmarse la decisión de no ceder en la demanda de una vida mejor. En este escenario, todas las demandas se vuelven más inelásticas. La pandemia puso en el celular de cada persona, las redes sociales y a través de las pantallas de la televisión, la imagen del mundo, como viven y son tratados los ciudadanos en otras partes del planeta. Se universalizó la demanda de “¡Dignidad Ya!”. El aumento de la conexión de Internet produce una revolución social al enseñarle al más analfabeto de los ciudadanos de la región, que lo tratan mal, que es discriminado, que tiene derechos y que puede reclamarlos. En ese sentido, la pandemia termina siendo una lección de humanidad y de democracia, del derecho a ser tratado como igual, toda vez que cada persona observa cómo funcionan las sociedades en otras latitudes. Por primera vez masivamente, el ciudadano toma consciencia de su condición y aprende qué hacer con ella." (Página 5-6)
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"Verständnis der technischen und kulturellen Besonderheiten der algorithmusgetriebenen App, die vorhandene Bestandteile bereits bekannter Social-Media-Plattformen kombiniert und weiterentwickelt. Statt Reichweitenaufbau geht es bei TikTok um Vertrauensaufbau. Mithilfe eines Analyserasters werden im
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Folgenden die Möglichkeiten und Bedingungen der Plattform anhand ihrer Gestaltungselemente identifiziert und erklärt. Es wird mittels qualitativer Beobachtung exemplarisch gezeigt, wie deutsche Politiker*innen die App bereits erfolgreich nutzen und wo dies misslingt. Ein Überblick der deutschsprachigen linken Öffentlichkeit bei TikTok zeigt die Vielgestaltigkeit der Themen und Akteur*innen. Daraus werden konkrete Handlungsempfehlungen abgeleitet, die auf Interaktion, Dialog und dem Beherrschen jeweils aktueller Kulturtechniken beruhen – von der Wahl des richtigen Emojis bis zur Verwendung eines geschickt eingesetzten Zooms im Bild. In Anbetracht einer fehlenden One-size-fits-all-Lösung empfehlen wir die Ausgestaltung eines digitalen Werkzeugkastens, der neben einem gut sortierten und stets aktuellen Instrumentarium auf das geschickte Bedienen der Werkzeuge setzt." (Zusammenfassung, Seite 6)
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"This book provides an original contribution to current social and cultural theory on Arab social movements by giving a fuller historical and critical treatment of contemporary artistic and cultural production from the region and beyond. Thematically structured and covering culture, media, politics,
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and literary studies, the book uses a range of theoretical material that engages readers in three key ways. First, it adopts a critical standpoint with respect to the term "Arab Spring," recognizing the multiple interpretations and varied geographical, historical, and political realities of the term. Second, its focus on carefully selected case studies - namely, Egypt, Tunis, Syria, and Yemen - adds depth to analysis of the cultural, literary and artistic dimensions that operate fluidly across the Arab world. Third, it presents a methodological case study for the growing community of researchers involved in interdisciplinary education." (Publisher description)
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"[...] el libro propone un diálogo a partir de tres categorías, a saber: 1) las limitaciones al acceso a la información y sus impactos en la vida política; 2) el régimen jurídico de la comunicación; y 3) los medios de comunicación y la representación política. Esta perspectiva, nos ayuda a
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fundamentar un estado de la discusión al tiempo en que vislumbramos una reflexión posicional que contribuye al análisis comparado del caso latinoamericano." (Introducción, página 15)
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"This article examines how social movements attempt to repair a tarnished image and win the hearts and minds of the public. It studies the Muslim Brotherhood’s political communication campaign post-July 2013. A content analysis of a census of the Brotherhood’s communiqués issued during a 5-year
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period was performed. Considering social movement theory, this case study reveals that strategic framing can be employed as a strategy to win the hearts and minds of the target audience and to repair tarnished images. It also argues that legitimacy is a critical moral resource that lies at the heart of Islamist movements’ communication campaigns." (Abstract)
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"The following report on the financial transparency of media represents data of 2020. In order to illustrate the extent to which budgetary funding influences the editorial policy of the media or to observe the types of editorial policies the concerned media outlets pursue, it also discusses some exa
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mples of media coverage. Released by the Media Development Foundation (MDF) annually, the report explores, on the one hand, declared revenues of broadcast media and, on the other, the practice of allocating budgetary funds for advertising and dissemination of information in media outlets." (Introduction)
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"Despite the growing impact and diversity in the alternative media scene in Lebanon, and the key role they play in producing a counter-hegemonic narrative on political, economic, and sociological matters, they remain nonetheless lacking a viable and sturdy infrastructure. The latter is evident in th
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eir lack of a legal infrastructure that could potentially guarantee the rights of their workforce on the long term and simultaneously further their causes. Likewise, their lack of sustainable and stable income generation and funding put strain on their continuity. Yet, most saliently, it is likely the divisive and loose structure that the alternative media scene currently has that mostly curtails its ability to build a parallel and equally competitive narrative against that maintained by the ruling elites and their associated institutions and clientalist networks. The fractures and fragility of the alternative media scene is not a product of its diversity, but rather of the absence of legal, economic, and institutional infrastructure that could built ground for a more collaborative and powerful counter-narrative. Indeed, should these initiatives muster efforts to create such infrastructure, the viability of the alternative media scene remains contingent to the presence of a strong and grounded political opposition force in the country. As this research has indicated, the role of alternative media and the advent of a counter-hegemonic narrative is inextricable from the broader political landscape." (Conclusion)
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"Does national media news coverage affect the behavior of legislators when deciding foreign policy matters? This article aims to disentangle the relationship between the media and legislative behavior in foreign policy, using Paraguay as a case study. We analyze the level of public debate on interna
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tional affairs, measured by the frequency of news in the newspaper ABC Color in the six months before the roll-call votes on the Chamber of Deputies of Paraguay. The literature on Latin American studies finds a lack of parliamentary interest in foreign affairs due to low voter attention to this subject, and therefore a low impact on reelections. We find the relationship between parliamentary polarization and public interest in a bill to be mediated by mass media. After estimating a Tobit model, we observe a significant and positive relationship between the news coverage a law receives and the degree of polarization among parliamentarians. Thus, our empirical evidence contradicts the idea that there is a lack of electoral interest in foreign policy. We confirm this finding through qualitative data gathered from in-depth interviews." (Introduction)
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"This book reflects on the role of social media in the past two decades in Southeast Asia. It traces the emergence of social media discourse in Southeast Asia, and its potential as a "liberation technology" in both democratizing and authoritarian states. It explains the growing decline in internet f
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reedom and increasingly repressive and manipulative use of social media tools by governments, and argues that social media is now an essential platform for control. The contributors detail the increasing role of "disinformation" and "fake news" production in Southeast Asia, and how national governments are creating laws which attempt to address this trend, but which often exacerbate the situation of state control. From Grassroots Activism to Disinformation explores three main questions: How did social media begin as a vibrant space for grassroots activism to becoming a tool for disinformation? Who were the main actors in this transition: governments, citizens or the platforms themselves? Can reformists "reclaim" the digital public sphere? And if so, how?" (Publisher description)
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"This book features pathbreaking analysis from journalists and academics of the changing nature and peril of media capture - how formerly independent institutions fall under the sway of governments, plutocrats, and corporations. Contributors including Emily Bell, Felix Salmon, Joshua Marshall, Joel
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Simon, and Nikki Usher analyze diverse cases of media capture worldwide, many drawn from firsthand experience. They examine the role played by new media companies and funders, showing how the confluence of the growth of big tech and falling revenues for legacy media has led to new forms of control. Contributions also shed light on how the rise of right-wing populists has catalyzed the crisis of global media. They also chart a way forward, exploring the growing need for a policy response and sustainable models for public-interest investigative journalism." (Publisher description)
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