"O presente artigo visa investigar os usos políticos das concessões de rádio para titulares de mandatos eletivos após a redemocratização, tendo como eixo analítico o conceito de coronelismo e sua potencial renovação para o chamado “coronelismo eletrônico". Inicia-se a pesquisa analisando
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o conceito do “coronelismo” e as características do coronel desde a Primeira República brasileira. Em seguida, busca-se a compreensão do termo “coronelismo eletrônico” como um sistema de “barganha” política para manutenção dos poderes locais. Pretende-se discutir os possíveis efeitos dos meios de produção da comunicação sobre os processos eleitorais do Brasil. A presente pesquisa será apresentada com base em estudo descritivo-analítico, utilizando-se o método dedutivo, com investigação documental e bibliográfica em livros e artigos dos autores de referência, relatórios e decisões judiciais. Conclui-se que a distribuição de concessões de rádio reproduz, em grande medida, as práticas reconhecidas como parte de um modelo político coronelista." (Resumo)
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"Starting from the assumption that media play a crucial role for populist discourses of authenticity, the volume moves beyond conventional and social media by expanding its focus to media in formal education, notably school textbooks and curricula. These two particular media formats lastingly shape
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younger generations and thus the future. The proposed volume adopts global perspectives from three postcolonial countries that are often beyond the scope of studies dealing with populist discourses and media entanglements - insights that contribute new aspects to international scholarly debates." (Publisher description)
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"This report strives to build awareness of the direct and indirect impacts of gendered and sexualized disinformation on women in public life, as well as its corresponding impacts on national security and democratic participation. In an analysis of online conversations about 13 female politicians acr
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oss six social media platforms [Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, New Zealand, Secretary of State for the Home Department Priti Patel, UK, Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland, Canada, and 10 US politicians], totaling over 336,000 pieces of abusive content shared by over 190,000 users over a two-month period, the report defines, quantifies, and evaluates the use of online gendered and sexualized disinformation campaigns against women in politics and beyond. It also uses three in-depth interviews and two focus groups to emphasize the impacts gendered abuse and disinformation have on women’s daily lives." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Digital technologies have changed the public arena, but there is little scholarly consensus about how they have done so. This Element lays out a new framework for the digitally mediated public arena by identifying structural changes and continuities with the pre-digital era. It examines three count
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ry cases - the United States, Germany, and China. In these countries and elsewhere, the emergence of new infrastructures such as search engines and social media platforms increasingly mediate and govern the visibility and reach of information, and thus reconfigure the transmission belt between citizens and political elites. This shift requires a rethinking of the workings and dysfunctions of the contemporary public arena and ways to improve it." (Publisher description)
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"Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human ri
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ghts and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies." (Abstract)
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"This study examines whether and how public media systems contribute to the health of democracies in 33 countries in Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, the Middle East, Latin America, and South America. We gather national economic data and public media funding levels, audience shares, and regulato
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ry data, primarily for 2018 and 2019 but in some cases earlier, due to lack of available data. We then assess correlations with strength of democracy indices and extend Hallin and Mancini's typology of North American and European media systems through hierarchical cluster analysis of these 33 countries. We find five models of public media systems around the world, ranging from “state-administered” systems with low levels of independence (Botswana and Tunisia) to systems aligning with Hallin and Mancini's “Democratic Corporatist” model, with strong and secure (multiyear) funding, large audience shares, and strong regulatory protection for their independence. In between, we identify three mixed models: a “Liberal-Pluralist” model, a “Direct Funding” model, and a “Commercial–Public” model. Correlations and cluster analyses show that high levels of secure funding for public media systems and strong structural protections for the political and economic independence of those systems are consistently and positively correlated with healthy democracies." (Abstract)
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"This conceptual paper focusses on two fronts forming a broad assault on journalism, extending from more autocratic settings to include liberal democracies, and leading to what is now widely perceived as a crisis in news. We analyze these two attacks by presenting a framework integrating their sourc
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es and causes. We argue that the first attack emanates from commercialized media, occurring at economic and normative level, and has created, at least in part, the conditions that have enabled the more recent attack, which is more directly political, associated with the re-emergence of forces that are loosely categorized as populist. What is new in the second front is the geography and the constitutional nature of the societies in which this antagonism has grown. It extends now to long-established representative democracies that have come to be governed, or where new influence is wielded, by emergent right movements and parties who seek to cast the press as the enemy within. Abuse and even mortal danger increasingly have become part of the occupational reality of news-making. We conclude that this development is inscribed in the current material conditions under which journalists work, as well as in the materiality of the media through which they do so." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical
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media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space." (Abstract)
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"Un livre évènement qui réunit les plus grands dessinateurs et dessinatrices de presse issus de tous les horizons du continent africain et qui luttent dans leurs pays respectifs pour ce droit fondamental qu'est la liberté de la presse. Plantu et Cartooning for Peace ont réuni une sélection de
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leurs dessins les plus marquants, dont l'ensemble constitue un recueil unique. Une cinquantaine de caricaturistes dont Zapiro, Gado, Glez, Dilem, Alaa Satir, Sherif Arafa, Zohoré, ou encore Willis from Tunis représentent une vingtaine de pays. Certains ont commencé à exercer leur métier dans des conditions souvent difficiles. D'autres y sont venus au monde. Tous ont en commun d'avoir compris que le dessin constitue l'arme idéale pour écrire leur société et fustiger ses maux, et ce malgré les intimidations et, pour certains, les incarcérations, dont ils sont victimes. L'Afrique, c'est depuis toujours le pays de la palabre et du dialogue entre cousins de plaisanteries qui savent pousser très loin la raillerie et l'autocritique. Ces dessins forment les marqueurs de l'histoire contemporaine de l'Afrique. Mais ces artistes ne se privent pas pour décocher certaines de leurs flèches à l'échelle planétaire. Ils nous voient autant que nous les regardons, et leur vision de force, de pertinence et de vérité, répond à un seul mot d'ordre qui se répète de planche à dessin en salle de rédaction : "Dessine-moi la liberté". (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Rising political polarization is, in part, attributed to the fragmentation of news media and the spread of misinformation on social media. Previous reviews have yet to assess the full breadth of research on media and polarization. We systematically examine 94 articles (121 studies) that assess the
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role of (social) media in shaping political polarization. Using quantitative and qualitative approaches, we find an increase in research over the past 10 years and consistently find that pro-attitudinal media exacerbates polarization. We find a hyperfocus on analyses of Twitter and American samples and a lack of research exploring ways (social) media can depolarize. Additionally, we find ideological and affective polarization are not clearly defined, nor consistently measured. Recommendations for future research are provided." (Abstract)
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"Die Öffentlichkeit ist der zentrale Wert unserer Demokratie. Nur wenn sich freie Meinungen ohne Angst begegnen, können sie das verhandeln, was alle angeht. Ohne eine funktionierende Öffentlichkeit kann niemand seine Interessen formulieren oder seine Meinung bilden. Doch die spätmoderne Öffentl
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ichkeit sieht sich in einer paradoxen Lage. Je mehr Menschen durch die sozialen Netzwerke Zugang haben, desto chaotischer werden ihre Debatten. Radikale Vereinfachungen führen zu einer polarisierten Öffentlichkeit, in der es nur noch Freunde und Feinde gibt. Wer auf sachliche Informationen und einen rationalen Diskurs hofft, wird immer öfter enttäuscht. Dabei steuert unsere Gesellschaft auf eine doppelte Katastrophe zu. Die Zersplitterung des Sozialen nimmt in wachsendem Tempo zu und die Veränderungen des Anthropozäns zeichnen sich immer drohender am Horizont ab. Es ist also höchste Zeit, die Ursachen der zerstrittenen Öffentlichkeit aufzuzeigen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Politischer Journalismus ist gewissermaßen ›die Mutter aller Journalismen‹, aber man weiß wenig über ihn. Dieses Handbuch will diese Lücke füllen, indem es von der Geschichte, den Funktionen, den Feldern, den Akteuren, der Agenda, den Merkmalen, den Beziehungsnetzen, den Konzepten, den Que
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llen, den Methoden und der Ethik des politischen Journalismus spricht. Deutlich gemacht werden auch seine Probleme, denn er ist unter Druck, vor allem durch die Kommerzialisierung der Medien und durch die Etablierung des Internets: Die Politikberichterstattung wird dramatisiert und personalisiert, und im Netz melden sich neue ›journalistische‹ Akteure, die auf ihre Art Politikberichterstattung betreiben. Der politische Journalismus wandelt sich. Der Blick des Handbuchs geht international vergleichend über die Grenzen einzelner Länder hinaus. Neben den deutschsprachigen Ländern stehen die europäischen Nachbarn, Großbritannien, die USA, Russland sowie wichtige Länder der übrigen Kontinente im Fokus. Analysiert wird auch der politische Journalismus in der europäischen Metropole Brüssel oder bei den Vereinten Nationen in New York." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Following months of mass antigovernment demonstrations in Belarus, this report widens the focus beyond the protesters and takes stock of the views and preferences of Belarusian citizens at a critical moment. A new ZOiS survey conducted in December 2020 among Belarusians aged between 16 and 64 revea
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ls rare insights into the political and social mood across the country, trust in its institutions, the dynamics of the recent political mobilisation, and the domestic and foreign policy preferences of Belarusian citizens [...] The survey confirms the extent to which the protests were carried by private citizens, rather than organised civil society, trade unions, or churches, which played only peripheral roles. Social and online media dominate society’s news consumption, with over 70 per cent of respondents using these media as their main source of information. Belarusian state television, Russian media, and international media are used as well but are significantly less prominent as primary information sources. Trust in Belarus’s political institutions in general remains weak. Confidence has not eroded completely, but trust in all institutions is on balance negative, with very similar scores for the executive, the legislative, the judiciary, and the security apparatus. In absolute numbers, the opposition Coordination Council and the Orthodox Church are the most trusted institutions." (Executive summary)
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"A thematic meta-analysis – of recent literature on online propaganda in the context of the Global South, and 20 Facebook-funded research projects in 2018 – shows that research is overwhelmingly focused on the psychological and behavioral impacts of propaganda. This research advocates for promot
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ing “media literacy” and helping citizens “inoculate” themselves against propaganda. This approach has limited use in tackling propaganda in the Global South. It not only oversimplifies “media literacy,” but also fails to examine, quite crucially, how the state, corporations, and media institutions interact – the political economy of propaganda. Further, scholars need to reflect on how entities such as Facebook fund such research to deflect scrutiny of their institutional role in propaganda-related violence in the Global South." (Essay summary)
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"US democracy support should follow a triage approach, providing assistance to countries on the precipice of democratic backsliding, while investing in civil societies that hold promise for advancing democratic values. The United States should leverage its assets while working with partners and alli
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es to fight disinformation and support equitable economic growth and entrepreneurship, while exercising caution about relying too heavily on supporting elections and empowering foreign militaries. The United States should focus its efforts and resources on the health of its own democracy in order to receive buy-in domestically and from foreign publics for democratization efforts." (Summary)
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