"[...] Durch ausführliche Interviews mit Redaktionsmitgliedern und (Digital-)Verantwortlichen bei ARD und ZDF kann er [ = der Autor dieser Studie] ein detailliertes Bild ihrer gegenwärtigen Social-Media-Praxis zeichnen. Das Dilemma wird deutlich: Eine Orientierung der redaktionellen Tätigkeiten a
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n algorithmischen Funktionsweisen und Konventionen der Plattformen findet auf allen Ebenen statt. Formatentwicklung, Darstellungsweisen und Inhalte werden (unterschiedlich stark) daran ausgerichtet. Auch die Kommunikation mit den Nutzer:innen orientiert sich an den Prinzipien der Netzwerke. „Wir wissen, dass es dem Algorithmus auch gefällt“, ist eine vielsagende Begründung in einem der Interviews für die intensive Interaktion der Redaktion mit dem Publikum. Kennzahlen der Plattformen (wie Abrufzahlen) sind im Redaktionsalltag stets präsent und werden als ‚Währungen‘ akzeptiert. Für den Autor Eichler bedarf es mehrerer Ansätze, um auch zukünftig Qualitätsjournalismus in digitalen Medienumgebungen für alle zu sichern. Redaktionen und Medienhäuser sind in der Pflicht, verbindliche Leitlinien für öffentlich-rechtlichen Journalismus in sozialen Netzwerken aufzustellen. Zugleich muss der Ausbau unabhängiger und nicht-kommerzieller Plattformen und eine stärkere Regulierung der Netzwerke und ihrer Algorithmen vorangetrieben werden. Die Medienstaatssekretärin in Rheinland-Pfalz, Heike Raab, sagte kürzlich, die Medien seien „zu wichtig, um sie den Algorithmen und den Gesetzen des Marktes zu überlassen“. Der Markt (und Musk) mögen ARD und ZDF nicht kaufen können, über die Algorithmen aber üben sie erheblichen Einfluss auf deren journalistische Arbeit aus. Stiftung und Autor hoffen, dass die Studie die Debatte darüber stärkt, wie die Unabhängigkeit der öffentlich-rechtlichen Medien nachhaltig gewährleistet werden kann." (Vorwort)
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"Following years of government shutdowns, social media has become both freer and more influential in Chadian politics – particularly since the country entered a political transition with the death of President Idriss Déby in April 2021. While it has democratised political participation, social me
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dia has also fuelled socio political tensions. Why does it matter? Chad’s transition has entered a sensitive phase. A government crackdown in October killed dozens of protesters, putting the country on edge. In the run-up to 2024 elections, social media can enhance access to politics by provid ing a forum for open debate, but it could also drive polarisation and violence. What should be done? The government should keep social media platforms free and open, while social media companies should improve monitoring and content moderation. With donor support, civil society should offer influencers training on refraining from online hate speech, incitement and disinformation, which influencers should apply. Donors should support local, professional, independent media." (Summary)
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"El artículo presenta una propuesta multidimensional de medición del pluralismo informativo en distintos programas de TV abierta: noticieros centrales, matinales y programas de opinión y debate, así como los resultados de su aplicación en Chile. El instrumento está compuesto de 6 dimensiones:
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diversidad, editorialidad, concentración, propiedad, percepción y alcance. La hipoìtesis es que una adecuada medición del pluralismo televisivo requiere de distintas dimensiones de análisis, que incluyen aspectos de la programación, las audiencias y la televisión como mercado. Tras dos pruebas piloto, la aplicación del instrumento mostró como resultado un bajo pluralismo en los programas analizados que se expresa en la homogeneidad de contenidos (temas, fuentes, partidos políticos), en un contexto de alta concentración de la audiencia y la inversión publicitaria en los canales con peor puntaje. Estos hallazgos plantean preguntas y propuestas sobre la TV pública y la institucionalidad reguladora del sector en el actual escenario de cambio constitucional." (Resumen)
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"Social media influencers promote not only products and brands but also their opinions on serious topics like party politics or climate change. These so-called digital opinion leaders may exert a powerful impact on their followers’ political attitudes. Accordingly, we explore new directions to exp
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lain how influencers’ communication is related to political outcomes by proposing the concept of perceived simplification of politics (PSP). We argue that PSP may fuel political cynicism but also stimulate youth’s interest in politics. We also explore important boundary conditions of these associations. We use data from three studies, a two-wave panel survey of adolescents (NT2 =294), a cross-sectional survey of young adults (N=632), and a two-wave panel survey of young adults (NT2=496) in Germany between 2019 and 2020. Findings of all three studies show that the frequency of exposure to social media influencers’ content increases PSP. In Studies 1 and 2, PSP is related to higher political cynicism, while in Study 3, this relationship is restricted to influencers’ communication about environmental topics and gender equality. Furthermore, Studies 2 and 3 suggest that PSP also increases political interest—yet this association requires a certain level of parasocial interaction (PSI) with the influencer and is contingent on specific political topics." (Abstract)
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"This paper offers a critical overview of anti-war propaganda in the Russian language during the first six months of the war and identifies the reasons for its limited success. After a review of the challenges to current forms of propaganda, the paper offers practical recommendations to improve the
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work in this area." (Page 3)
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"This book reveals the value and significance of pirate radio, with a special focus on local radio stations that broadcast illegally in Poland in the early 90s. It shows that many of them, like in other countries from the region, began as non-commercial, community-oriented initiatives. Several sourc
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es of information were used to maximize the potential of the study, especially documents gathered from public institutions, press articles, interviews with radio representatives, and decision-makers who influenced the shape of the broadcasting system. The analysis of these sources supports the conclusion that, although the pirates left a lasting legacy, they lost out in the licensed regime driven by market logic." (Publisher description)
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"(No) es la comunicación… es la política cuenta cómo los gobiernos han dejado la dirección de la política, la economía y la sociedad a la comunicación. 24 autores en 13 países del continente americano escribieron sobre el uso de la comunicación en tiempos de pandemia. Los textos señalan
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cómo, durante la pandemia, las estrategias de comunicación priorizaron “vender” los atributos y personalidades de los líderes que gobernaban por encima de construir ciudad y ciudadanos. Aunque queda claro que la comunicación es fundamental en el manejo de las crisis de gobierno es realmente la política la que dirige la estrategia pública y construye la vida colectiva de un país. No todo puede ser comunicación. En este libro se argumenta que es la política la que hace a la democracia. Creer que 'comunicar es gobernar' es un error." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Social media offered new opportunities for politicians to engage with the public.However, little research has explored public perceptions of women politicians and their role in women’s empowerment, especially in non-Western contexts. This study used a qualitative methodology to explore how young
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Emirati women made sense of gender and other identities in their discussions of Emirati women politicians on social media. Drawing from intersectionality theory, the study looked beyond gender, exploring other identities that may play a role in Emirati women’s perceptions. The results offered insights into the family and ethnic identity as they interacted with gender. The findings also highlighted the challenges of personalizing messages in a patriarchal society. This study contributes to international political communication research and practice by understanding the complexity of women’s sense-making of social media and women politicians in a non-Western context." (Abstract)
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"La aparición de las redes sociodigitales a mediados de la primera década de 2000 fue recibida con entusiasmo y recelo por diversos sectores sociales. Los ciudadanos vieron en espacios como Facebook, Twitter y, más recientemente, Instagram, una consolidación de la autocomunicación de masas plan
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teada por Manuel Castells en 1997 que acercaba el poder de la información y la comunicación a las personas del común, mientras los políticos dudaban entre si era un riesgo o una oportunidad en la disputa del poder en la opinión pública. Lo ocurrido en los casi veinte años de vida de las redes sociodigitales ha mostrado su poder de movilización social (Occupy Wall Street, Primavera Árabe, #MeToo) y su impacto político, pero también ha expuesto varios riesgos derivados del uso social y de los algoritmos que controlan la red, entre ellos las cámaras de eco, la espiral de silencio, el contenido engañoso (misinformation), el contenido falso (desinformación), el exceso de información (infodemia) y la presencia de bots que replican información para convertirla en tendencia u ocultar contenidos." (Publisher description)
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"Vor etwas mehr als 20 Jahren gründeten Mitglieder der DVPW-Sektion Internationale Beziehungen eine Mailingliste. Seitdem haben Generationen von Forschenden und Studierenden die ib-liste abonniert (und sicher oft auch wieder abbestellt). Dieser Beitrag nimmt das kürzliche Jubiläum zum Anlass, die
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Rolle der Liste als digitaler Kommunikationskanal für die deutschsprachige IB-Community zu beleuchten. Dazu haben wir die Absenderadressen und Betreffzeilen von rund 28.000 E-Mails zwischen 2012 und 2020 ausgewertet. Darauf basierend untersuchen wir die Interaktionsmuster der Liste anhand dreier Leitfragen. Erstens lässt sich eine Professionalisierung der Kommunikation feststellen. Eine Spitzengruppe aus rund 500 regelmäßigen Nutzer*innen ist für 42,5 Prozent der Nachrichten verantwortlich. Zweitens hat sich der Kreis der Aktiven über den ursprünglichen Kern der Wissenschafts-Community hinaus erweitert. Nur rund ein Drittel der Beiträge hat einen direkten Bezug zu Forschung oder Lehre. Es überwiegen Hinweis auf Veranstaltungen für welt- und außenpolitische Interessierte sowie außeruniversitäre Stellenausschreibungen. Drittens ist die Liste moderat internationalisiert, was sich vor allem an der Häufigkeit englischsprachiger Betreffzeilen zeigt. Diese sind bei Nachrichten mit Wissenschaftsbezug in der Überzahl. Insgesamt dient die Liste im untersuchten Zeitraum somit nicht nur einer Kerngemeinschaft für IB-Forschung und Lehre, sondern verzahnt diese mit benachbarten Communitys aus der Zivilgesellschaft." (Abstract)
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"Since 2018, we’ve been tracking academic studies that show in stark terms the impact journalism has on our democracy. This research review has become a critical guide for funders, policymakers, communities, and journalists who care about creating a healthier democracy. In 2022, we overhauled this
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resource, including adding a section that more clearly names the harms journalism has caused in our communities, especially communities of color. These studies and articles provide an enormous set of rigorous data that help quantify what happens when local communities have strong local news — and what happens when they lose it. Understanding the impact of quality local news on our democracy in these sorts of specific, data driven, nuanced ways is critical as we think about how to build a more equitable and sustainable future of local news that truly serves all communities at a moment of threat and uncertainty in democracy." (https://democracyfund.org)
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"Democracies are at a critical juncture, under growing internal and external pressures. This publication sheds light on the important public governance challenges countries face today in preserving and strengthening their democracies, including fighting mis- and disinformation; improving government
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openness, citizen participation and inclusiveness; and embracing global responsibilities and building resilience to foreign influence. It also looks at two cross-cutting themes that will be crucial for robust, effective democracies: transforming public governance for digital democracy and gearing up government to deliver on climate and other environmental challenges. These areas lay out the foundations of the new OECD Reinforcing Democracy Initiative, which has also involved the development of action plans to support governments in responding to these challenges." (Publisher description)
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"This study points to several recommendations for how international donors can improve support for media sector reform in countries at critical political junctures, and how they can build upon and strengthen approaches that have been effective in the past. Donor support is more likely to be effectiv
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e when it is driven by a deeper understanding of the political dynamics surrounding media sector reform, including the potential weaknesses in state capacity and threats to sustained political will. As such, donor agencies need to provide robust funding and technical support for rigorous media sector assessments led by local experts, targeted efforts to cement local leadership, and dedicated technical and financial support for consensus building. A common blueprint for assistance does not exist—different strategies are needed that are attuned to the strength and commitment of the state, the capacity and cohesion of civil society, and the persistence of anti-democratic forces. Intervening early in a transition, when priorities are established and plans are drawn up, pays better dividends, and long-term assistance is critical to ensuring the sector is not co-opted by political and societal rivalries." (Conclusion, page 31-32)
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"This book demonstrates the crucial link between gender and structures of power in democratic Indonesia, and the role of the online news media in regulating this relationship of power. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a theoretical framework, and social actor analysis as the methodological
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approach, this book examines the discursive representation of three prominent female Indonesian political figures in the mainstream Indonesian online news media in a period of social-political transition. It presents newfound linguistic evidence in the form of discourse strategies that reflect the women's dynamic relationship with power. More broadly, the critical analysis of the news discourse becomes a way of uncovering and evaluating implicit barriers and opportunities affecting women's political participation in Indonesia and other Asian political contexts, Indonesia's process of democratisation, and the influential role of the online news media in shaping and reflecting political discourse." (Publisher description)
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"Los 63 editoriales analizados confirman que quiénes tienen la posibilidad de hacer uso de la palabra (Ranciere, 2014), a través de las vías institucionales, continúan siendo las élites. Si tuviéramos que contar la historia de lo ocurrido entre el 18 de octubre y hasta el 15 de noviembre del 2
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019, solamente a partir de lo señalado a través de estos textos del diario El Mercurio, lo primero que podríamos señalar es que quiénes emiten palabras son las élites, y quiénes son los destinatarios de dichas palabras transformadas en discursos, son también, mayoritariamente, las élites. En este dominio del discurso que se evidencia, monopolizan también los contenidos, pues aún cuando la macroestructura semántica mayoritaria que se aborda son “las causas del conflicto”, nunca son convocados quiénes manifiestan el malestar inicial. Los subalternos, es decir, la mayor parte de las personas que conforman la sociedad chilena, quedan fuera de esta suerte de intercambio, en tanto no tienen forma de acceder a él, pues no basta con leer estos editoriales, el punto radica en que el medio de comunicación estudiado no considera a los subalternos como su destinatario ni como fuente y, por lo tanto, el tratamiento de la información y la consecuente influencia que se busca generar no está dirigida a este grupo social mayoritario." (Conclusión, página 143-144)
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"The Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) assesses the performance of leading news media in mature democracies with regard to the three core dimensions of democracy: freedom, equality, and control. After monitoring 10 countries in 2011, the MDM project expanded to cover the leading news media of 18 dem
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ocracies in 2021. In this book, the most salient results from the MDM were selected to undergo cross-country and longitudinal comparison, searching for patterns and tendencies across countries, with a particular focus on the influence of digitalisation. Some of the key results are the ubiquitousness of the news media’s financial crisis, increasing consumption gaps as younger generations prefer online platforms, and persisting gender inequalities, both in news content and in newsrooms. However, the volume also shows that the reach of news media remains high, the watchdog role and investigative journalism are increasingly relevant in daily practice, and that public service media, in general, continues to play a vital role for democracy. These results have implications for media policies, regulations, and practices to improve news quality and, ultimately, democracy worldwide." (Publisher description)
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