"This research utilizes the theoretical framework of the protest paradigm to analyze how major TV channels and newspapers in Chile and Colombia covered-on their official X (Twitter) accounts-the massive 2019 protests. The paper collected data using the software Crimson Hexagon(CH), a social media an
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alysis software that accesses all public messages posted on Twitter, and then conducted a manual content analysis to fully explore the adherence to the paradigm in digital environments, including audience interactions with media content. Results show that chosen media outlets take mainly the riotand confrontation frames to delegitimize protesters, partially influencing the reaction of audiences who engaged with those diminishing devices. A further analysis demonstrates how deeply intertwined the media are with the status quo and elites. In addition, legacy media, particularly TV, seem to fall into a systematic delegitimization of social protest.This research is valuable as it enhances the understanding of media portrayals of protests in Latin America given the new dynamics of news engagement on social media." (Abstract)
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"Successive Iranian leaders have struggled to navigate the fraught political-cultural space of media in the Islamic Republic-skirting the line between embracing Western communications technologies and rejecting them, between condemning social networking sites as foreign treachery and promoting thems
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elves on Facebook. How does a regime that originally derived its hegemony from the ability to mass communicate its ideology protect its ideological dominance in a media environment defined by hybridity, hyper-connectivity, and near constant change? More broadly, what is the role of media in the construction and maintenance of power in Iran? This book addresses these questions by examining the institutions, policies, and discourses of two political regimes over the course of nearly eight decades. Drawing from over 3,000 primary source documents and digital artifacts in Persian and English, including formerly classified material hidden deep in the archives, this book offers a history of media in Iran across political regimes and media paradigms- from the public's first encounter with mass communication in the 1940s, to the dawn of digital media in the 1990s, to internet and mobile telephony today. At the same time, the book trains a keen eye on contemporary politics." (Publisher description)
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"Based on interviews with Syrian media practitioners, this article uses the notion of affective proximity to make sense of local media practitioners’ reporting and witnessing of suffering in their country and community. I argue that the life-risking, and sometimes deadly, media practices of local
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reporters and witnesses, as well as their emotional labour, often do not feature in understandings of journalism when it is conceived as a purely professional discursive pursuit. I explain affective proximity in terms of an imagined space (or the lack thereof) between a media practitioner, on the one hand, and the event they are representing and participating in, on the other. In relation to Syria, I use it to analyse the word ‘revolution’ and what it mediates, the shifting boundaries between activism and journalism, and experiences of, and in, violence. I make the case that the study of affect and emotion in global news should be contextualized within the unequal power relations that give shape to journalistic roles and modes of representaiton." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines two different understandings of professional autonomy among journalists currently and formerly working at Mafra, a Czech media house acquired in 2013 by Andrej Babiš, who in 2017 became the Czech Prime Minister. We build on existing research of local trends in media ownership a
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nd journalistic autonomy to ask the following questions: What differentiated the experience of journalists who exited the organization after the ownership change from that of those who stayed put? How did the two groups understand professional journalistic autonomy? Based on the thematic analysis of twenty semistructured interviews with ten journalists who stayed in the media house after Babiš’s acquisition and ten journalists who left, we argue that in the journalists’ narratives, the two decisions reflect two different notions of autonomy: autonomy-as-a-practice and autonomy-as-a-value. While our findings add to the scarce empirical research on journalists’ lived experiences of the region’s mediascape marked by growing comingling and concentration of political, economic and media power, we also suggest that the autonomy-as-a-practice and journalists’ agency should be further studied as a possible way how to perform and promote journalistic autonomy even in illiberalizing contexts—in Central and Eastern Europe and beyond." (Abstract)
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"Hidden information, double meanings, double-crossing, and the constant processes of encoding and decoding messages have always been important techniques in negotiating social and political power dynamics. Yet these tools, "cryptopolitics," are transformed when used within digital media. Focusing on
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African societies, Cryptopolitics brings together empirically grounded studies of digital media to consider public culture, sociality, and power in all its forms, illustrating the analytical potential of cryptopolitics to elucidate intimate relationships, political protest, and economic strategies in the digital age." (Publisher description)
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"In recent years, links between selective news exposure and political polarisation have attracted considerable attention among communication scholars. However, while the existence of selective exposure has been documented in both offline and online environments, the evidence of its extent and its im
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pact on political polarisation is far from unanimous. To address these questions, and also to bridge methodological and geographical gaps in existing research, this paper adopts a media repertoires approach to investigate selective news exposure and polarisation in four Eastern European countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Serbia. Using a combination of population surveys, expert surveys and qualitative interviews, the data for the study were collected between November 2019 and May 2020. We identify five types of news repertoires based on their relative openness to counter-attitudinal sources, and show that selective news repertoires are present in 29% of the entire sample. Our findings also reveal significant cross-country differences, with the more selective news repertoires more prominent in countries characterised by higher levels of polarisation. Furthermore, while the selection of news sources is in line with" (Abstract)
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"This study investigates social media usage patterns, Twitter’ frequency use and message typologies of selected South African female politicians’. Using the digital public sphere theory as a lens, the study considers six hundred Twitter posts from six female politicians from the African National
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Congress, Democratic Alliance, and Economic Freedom Fighters political parties to examine the potential of social media for visibility and participation, particularly for female politicians who are underrepresented in mainstream media platforms. The study finds that these politicians leverage digital media to promote their public works, challenging media gatekeeping and asserting agency in shaping public discourse. The findings also reveal the strategic use of social media for selfpromotion allowing female politicians to enhance visibility, influence public perception, and consolidate their positions." (Abstract)
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"As one of the mass media, the existence of radio in carrying out its role as a social institution to provide education for citizens, especially political education in a democratic country is an interesting topic. The purpose of this study is to analyze the way radio runs and controls political educ
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ation programs for citizens in public spheres and uncovers radio strategies to survive in the face of competition in the digital era. This study adopted descriptive qualitative methods and qualitative content analysis using radio interactive programs. The data were collected through interviews with the manager or directors of each radio. The subjects of this study were four radio stations in East Java, Indonesia. The results showed that radio carries out this role by organizing programs that involve participants. All radios have a mechanism for selecting participants, news and experts/informants. In carrying out its function as a social institution to provide education for citizens including political education, radio has made serious efforts by producing content that: 1) provides knowledge about local political dynamics; 2) criticizes public policies; and 3) activates citizen participation in public issues. Selectively choose the content of the program. Radio’s ability to survive was strongly supported by its ability to utilize of income opportunities and elegantly avoid economic and political pitfalls by empowering the role of the public sphere through massive involvement of external sources. Thus, the constructed opinion seems to be more of an extra media influence rather than an internal initiative of the radi o organization." (Abstract)
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"Press Freedom and the (Crooked) Path Toward Democracy uses the perceptions of journalists in Rwanda, Uganda, and Kenya to examine mediascapes at varying stages of development and democracy-building—Rwanda, which experienced a genocide in 1994, is in relatively early (though fast-paced) stages of
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reconstruction; Uganda, which experienced a civil war in the 1980s and unrest in the 1990s, though arguably not to the extent of Rwanda’s genocide, can be considered in a middle stage of development; and Kenya, which has remained largely peaceful, can be understood as being in a more advanced stage of development. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork and a cross-national survey, this book provides an updated state of press freedom in these three countries and shows how a nation’s political and cultural intricacies complicate traditional media development frameworks and notions of press freedom. Much of the scholarship classifying global media systems has overlooked the world’s most developing nations, and among those that have included developing nations there exists a misguided premise that nations develop in a linear fashion—from non-democracy to democracy, and from a restricted press to a free press. In reality, the ebb and flow of political change, democratization, and backsliding calls for more historically informed views of media systems that do not fit into the confines of existing theories. A detailed set of considerations is put forth for understanding media systems outside the Western world; specifically, that each country’s distance from conflict, political benchmarks, international linkages, and civil society strength are central to understanding its degree of press freedom, development, and democratization." (Publisher description)
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"This book offers a ten-year perspective on ongoing and evolving practices of digital activism across the Middle East and North Africa, drawing on interviews and ethnographic evidence collected between 2012 and 2022. It examines the shifting narrative around digital activism in the region, from the
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wake of the 2011 uprisings to the 2019 series of protests coined 'the second wave of the Arab Spring'. It considers how media activists navigate the transition from the emergent to the mainstream in a climate of contentious politics, following the civil mobilisations of the pro-revolutionary youths in Tunisia, Egypt, and Lebanon. It outlines the particularities of these three different political contexts and media environments, featuring case studies of the Tunisian blogosphere, online campaigning in the Egyptian elections and interviews with social media activists. In light of this empirical evidence, the book offers a critique of the increasing prevalence of a security perspective through which online activism has been viewed and its deleterious effect on digital political engagement in the region." (Publisher description)
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"Public diplomacy has become one of the central instruments of foreign policy and national security; this crucial Research Agenda provides a new outline for its investigation. Aiding the comprehension of the broad boundaries of the field, it proposes a clear starting point for contemporary research
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into important areas of public diplomacy. This enlightening Research Agenda is divided into three parts which thoroughly explore the actors, disciplines and instruments involved in the process of public diplomacy. Rich in innovative analysis, chapters offer insights from many of the most prominent scholars and practitioners in the field to cover existing research, gaps, and future directions." (Publisher description)
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"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"We investigate how dominant media networks can manipulate voters in young democracies. During the first presidential election after the democratic transition in Brazil, TV Globo, the largest and most-watched network in the country, unexpectedly manipulated the news coverage of the last debate 2 day
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s before the decisive second round. In a video segment, Globo unfavorably depicted the left-wing candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Using the geographical distribution of broadcaster-specific TV signals and the timing of election events, we identify the effect of the manipulation net of the effect of the debate itself, showing that Globo’s misleading reporting caused Lula to lose millions of votes. Our results showcase how the media can reshape an election in a single stroke, especially where the media is concentrated and politically inexperienced voters have few other sources of information." (Abstract)
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