"Durante año y medio, la FLIP y Linterna Verde monitoreamos la conversación que giró alrededor del periodismo y le pusimos la lupa a tres momentos virales para entender qué hay detrás de cada ataque digital: El conocido hashtag #CaracolMiente, que surgió después de que el presidente Gustavo P
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etro trinara repetidamente que la información difundida por Noticias Caracol era falsa. Un análisis sobre 20 mil tuits evidencia coordinación en el uso de #CaracolMiente además de un patrón recurrente: la mayoría de las cuentas involucradas tenían una base pequeña de seguidores y mostraban una elevada actividad de retuits con contenido favorable al Gobierno.
En un segundo acto, el presidente Petro acusó a un supuesto "grupo poderoso" de querer destruir su gobierno, llamándolo "prensa Mossad". Al día siguiente, utilizó esa expresión en X para referirse a la periodista María Jimena Duzán, quien había publicado un artículo que criticaba una irregularidad en su administración relacionada con el hermano de Laura Sarabia. El 26 de junio, el término "Mossad" registró más de 8.600 menciones en X, 28 veces más que el promedio.
El tercer caso ocurrió durante un evento en Nuquí, cuando el presidente Petro acusó a las periodistas de promover narrativas que criminalizan la protesta legítima, calificándolas como "muñecas de la mafia". Se detonaron casi 300 mil menciones de tal término entre ese día hasta el 5 de septiembre. Y aunque hubo respaldo hacia las periodistas, la conversación en X giró alrededor de críticas, descalificaciones e insultos hacia las profesionales de comunicaicón.
Por otro lado, y analizando los ataques y de su impacto en la libertad de expresión podemos decir que la fuente de estos ataques, en Latinoamérica, proviene principalmente del Estado o de políticos; hay una prevalencia en los ataques en línea a nivel mundial que resultan en agresiones físicas, persecución judicial o incluso el asesinato, y particularmente, las periodistas mujeres enfrentan ataques contra su reputación, especialmente aquellos basados en género y por su orientación sexual."
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"This study aims to examine the interplay between political communication and discursive practices in the emerging new media landscape after the recent political reform in Ethiopia. The study employs interpretative textual analysis in qualitative research approach to analyze political communication
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texts posted by political party leaders and activists’ official pages through Critical Discourse Analysis. By using this method, the study critically examines the recent political developments with a specific focus on: EPRDF fragmentation, disintegration of TPLF from the central government, de-facto state formation, the integration of PP into political scene, inter-party political dialogues, and election scenarios among purposely selected ethno-nationalist and unionist political party leaders and activists’ official pages. The finding of the study reveals that political actors used social media as a political communication backchannel and a counter-hegemonic space to construct their political identities and ideologies. The result further shows ethnic identity has overwhelmingly become the source of power over pan-Ethiopian nationalism identity. The politics of ethnic belongingness is found to be an emerging political communication discourse in the study. Ethnic divisions and polarized political views have been recurrently propounded among political actor’s posts in their digital media. Accordingly, accommodative discursive strategies appear to be the dominant discursive strategies utilized by unionist political actors, while ethno-nationalists employ divisive rhetorical strategies in their political communication. In this continuum, polarized political views along with ethnic-based political formations put the issue of identity in a vexed condition and the existing Ethiopian politics in a state of interregnum." (Abstract)
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"While the digital turn in communication research offers novel opportunities to study polarization at scale, it also adds complexity to a challenging concept. Ambiguities surrounding the conceptual understanding of polarization in different fields lead to problems in advancing the research in the di
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gital context. The conflation of types and forms of polarization erodes the utility of the concept and opens the door to an uncritical proliferation of technologically determinist perspectives and solutions. We review literature from political, media and communication studies, revealing an increasing focus on polarization within media and communication without sufficient (re-)evaluation and conceptualization. To avoid future indiscriminate use of the term polarization, we advocate for precise delineations when studying polarization as a threat to democracy. We propose a concept of destructive polarization and discuss it with regard to studying its dynamics in a digital communication context, describing its recognizable elements as manifested in communication practices." (Abstract)
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"Feelings of collective victimhood have been demonstrated to have a strong effect on ingroup bias, outgroup hostility and support for violence. The use of narratives stirring these feelings in far-right communications is especially concerning given their inclusion in the manifestos of several mass k
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illers across Europe and North America. However, scholars still have little knowledge on the reach of such narratives as well as the extent to which major salient events increase attention to collective victimhood messaging among far-right followers. To address these gaps, we analyze the use of collective victimhood narratives on the popular secure instant messaging service, Telegram, which has exploded in popularity in response to mainstream platforms’ attempts to moderate extremist speech. We develop a supervised machine learning algorithm to predict the presence of these discourses in text from over 18.5 million messages that were extracted from 1,870 far-right Telegram channels. We then use these data to test what impact the George Floyd protests and the storming of the US Capitol had on the frequency of collective narrative discussions on far-right Telegram. Our findings suggest that both events coincided with a significant increase in the use of victimhood narratives, thus providing insight into the radicalization process of far-right communities online." (Abstract)
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"The far right is increasingly relying on visual and less extreme online communication, for instance by using memes, to strategically mainstream their ideology. The use of humor in particular renders their communication more relatable to a mainstream audience. However, little is known about the actu
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al impacts of the different content characteristics they employ to become more appealing, in particular on less moderated platforms that function as safe online spaces for extremist ideology and contents. To fill this gap, we conducted a manual quantitative content analysis of 1,200 memes distributed within German-language far-right Telegram channels in 2020 and 2021, concentrating on humor and several content-related factors to analyze their impact on meme reach. The results demonstrate that memes with extreme far-right narratives and memes with humor received fewer views than others, but that memes with both far-right narratives and humor had a significantly increased reach. The findings highlight the mainstreaming potential of humor, particularly when used to mask extreme content that would otherwise be less appealing." (Abstract)
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"This study explores self-visual presentation practices by female political candidates on Facebook during Kenya’s political campaigns that culminated in the national elections of 2022. The unit of analysis is the Facebook profile image of the women leaders. Image-centrism is operationalized as the
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extent to which ‘the image’ becomes the primary mode of self-presentation in political communication discourse. The study adopts a social semiotic approach to image interpretation postulated by Roland Barthes (1972) and Kress and van Leeuwen (1996). Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s approach, images are studied as ‘linguistic codes’ that have their own ‘grammatical’structure. Barthes’s approach explores the cultural dimension of the images. The argument here is that visual communication is context-bound, and the theoretical premise laid is that politics is given direction, shape, and impetus by the culture of a people. In order to understand visual political communication in Kenya, therefore, the study analyses and interprets images from the lens of the wider African cultural contexts within which this communication takes place. The overarching questions in this study include: a) How did female politicians in Kenya strategically use Facebook images for self-representation during the political campaigns in 2022? b) How have women politicians in Kenya interwoven cultural ideology with visual political communication on their Facebook pages? The ultimate conclusion is that political images not only serve as discourses for communicating political ideas and making political statements, but they also serve as self-representation modes as well as cultural manifestation codes that illuminate specific societal concepts." (Abstract)
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"Discussions of data-driven campaigning have gained increased prominence in recent years. Often associated with the practices of Cambridge Analytica and linked to debates about the health of modern democracy, scholars have devoted considerable attention to the rise of data-driven politics. However,
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most studies to date have focused solely on practice in the US, and few scholars have made efforts to define the precise meaning of ‘data-driven campaigning’. With growing recognition that data-driven campaigning can take different forms dependent on context and available resource, new questions have emerged as to exactly what features are indicative of this phenomena. In this piece we systematically review existing discussions of data-driven campaigning to unpack the components of this idea. Identifying areas of convergence and divergence in existing discussions of ‘data’, ‘driven’, and ‘campaigning’, we classify existing debate to highlight integral features and variable practices. This article accordingly provides the first comprehensive definition of datadriven campaigning, and aims to facilitate international study of this activity." (Abstract)
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"In this article we theorize a new organizational face of political parties that we term the ‘party-on-the-net’, defined as a set of digital partisan activist roles enabled by the affordances of digital technologies. We first explain the conceptual advantages of understanding parties’ media hy
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bridization as an organizational face rather than as a specific party subtype. Then, we provide a taxonomy of digital partisan roles comprising the party-on-thenet and its links with traditional party bureaucracies and functions. We define and discuss ten roles on the basis of two general organizational variables, namely functional alignment with party structures and influence over core party decisions. Finally, after illustrating each of these roles through examples across different geographical regions, we consider how our framework can help scholars to develop hypotheses for further empirical scrutiny. We focus on the relative prevalence of the party-on-the-net within subtypes of digital parties, its relation to other organizational faces, and its development under different institutional scope conditions." (Abstract)
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"This article explores the contribution Zambia made to the liberation struggle in South Africa by hosting the ANC’s Radio Freedom in Lusaka. It relies on a combination of archival evidence (audio and documentary sources) from both countries, and interviews conducted with the broadcasters and other
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media workers of both Radio Freedom and the Zambian national broadcaster. The article argues that Zambia offered immense support to Radio Freedom in the form of broadcasting equipment, working space and airtime on the external services of the national broadcaster. While it waxed and waned in the early years, this assistance increased considerably in the aftermath of the Soweto student uprising of 1976, which enabled the ANC to have a sonic presence among its supporters back home, where listening to this radio was illegal. The support given to Radio Freedom was not isolated but part of a wider struggle and solidarity with the liberation movements in the Southern African region fighting white minority rule. Through Radio Freedom, the ANC was able to shape the course of the unfolding struggle and internal political developments and to attain the cultural hegemony of the Charterist tradition over the Africanist and Black Consciousness camp." (Abstract)
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"The role of media in democratic governance is pivotal, yet its impact on democratic consolidation remains debated. This study investigates the relationship between radio activism and democratic consolidation in Ghana, focusing on the influence of political news production and communication strategi
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es by radio stations. Employing a case study design and qualitative research approach, 23 informants were selected through purposive sampling for face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study reveal that participatory and decentralized approaches to radio broadcasting, involving collaboration between radio staff and community members, enhance the conducive environment for democratic consolidation. However, challenges such as politicization and commercialization of political news content undermine public trust in radio broadcasting. The study concludes that stakeholder engagement in political news production fosters participatory communication on radio, thus contributing to democratic consolidation." (Abstract)
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"News media continue to play a central role in promoting public debate and the visibility of populist messages. This study discusses how Brazilian television journalism reacted to the populism of Jair Bolsonaro during the COVID-19 crisis. We adopted a content analysis and a framing analysis to ident
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ify the main themes and frames in reports at the beginning of the crisis by the country’s 2main television news programs. The corpus consists of 26 editions of Jornal Nacional (JN) and 26 editions of Jornal da Record (JR). Our hypothesis is that these news programs had significantly different interpretations of the Bolsonaro government’s actions. The data show that JN voiced its opposition to the president, while JR assumed the role of the government’s official voice, creating mechanisms to normalize populism. These results have important implications for understanding how the political positions adopted by traditional media affect how populism is promoted in the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"A growing empirical scholarship examines the rise of Chinese digital nationalism. This scholarship remains scattered across disciplinary and area studies journals, making it difficult to systematize findings and identify knowledge gaps. We review N = 71 peerreviewed articles and book chapters (1990
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–2021) to map the empirical findings on the (re)production and circulation of official and everyday Chinese nationalist discourses. We note the dominance of single-case textual analyses of online data, the underdeveloped theoretical frameworks, and the unclear research designs across this scholarship. In China, the online (re)production of official nationalism remains driven by the Party state, with netizens’ everyday forms of nationalism generally reinforcing or being co-opted by official nationalism. We call for a fuller picture of the ecosystem of state-driven digital nationalism and its influence as well as more attention to the challenges to official nationalism online mounted by everyday nationalism." (Abstract)
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"This article investigates harmful political content in public WhatsApp and Facebook groups of the radical Right in Brazil. Considering harmful political content as that which generates direct damage to the quality, reasonableness, and plurality of public discussion, we investigate the enunciative a
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spects of four specific types of discursive action (uncivil, conspiratorial, hateful, and dangerous) and the non-enunciative aspects used for harmful types of communication and interaction. The database consists of 3,503,540 messages propagated in 1,676 public groups during the electoral process. Through a quantitative approach to a sample of 2,201 unique messages, we found, among other things, that (1) harmful content was more present on Facebook than on WhatsApp; (2) messages about the elections were associated with uncivil speech; (3) uncivil speech was usually associated with dangerous speech and opposed to conspiratorial speech. The results allow for more nuanced reflections on the actions and strategy of the Far Right in the digital public debate." (Abstract)
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"This study discusses the relationship among the various dimensions of populism, hate speech, and disinformation within the political discourse on X (formerly Twitter) in India and Pakistan. Employing manual content analysis, we examined 7,141 posts from both populist and non-populist political lead
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ers in both countries. Our findings reveal a significant correlation among these three challenging concepts, indicating that posts exhibiting higher levels of populism also tend to score higher on both hate speech and disinformation. Although certain aspects of populism, such as a pro-people and anti-elite approach, are not inherently harmful, our study emphasizes that Manicheanism is a problematic concept in political discourses because of its close association with hate speech and disinformation." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the semantics of populist rhetoric and conspiracy narratives in the Philippines to understand how they can be operationalized for governmental purposes. Focusing on Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency (2016–22), I argue that conspiracy narratives simplify socio-economic issues an
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d aid the transformation of collective discontent into an instrument of governmentality. Evidence from public speeches, news articles and online ethnographic research shows that these narratives enable populist actors to emotionally charge the political landscape, framing society in moral binary terms: the virtuous people, depicted as victims of corruption, vs. a morally compromised elite. In this context, populism simultaneously forges an antagonistic frontier and promotes an elitist agenda, thereby silencing dissent and leaving little space for resistance. The findings suggest that while populism can inspire and mobilize marginalized communities, its co-option for governmental purposes can subvert its emancipatory potential." (Abstract)
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"This book explores how unresolved questions of social justice shape the character of the political terrain and political actors, through the lens of social media. It treats communication as the medium through which social issues and processes are made visible. Given the rise and spread of populist
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politics, the views of ordinary people on social issues have never mattered more. One platform through which these voices can be studied extensively is social media. Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter now X, YouTube, and Instagram, among others, afford ordinary citizens-often marginalized by traditional mainstream media-space to vent their opinions, engage in discussions of whatever topic, share information and ideas, and explore various kinds of information as well as data, links to which are often provided through various macro and micro discursive spaces therein. Arguably, therefore, social media have become a quintessential platform for studying contemporary sociality. Social media must be studied not just as a communication platform, but one through which the social world, social processes and social issues are made visible and, in some cases, enacted. With rich case studies from the Global South, and a particular focus on Africa, this collection does just that." (Publisher description)
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"[...] L’objectif de ce mémoire de DEA était de démontrer la manière dont les journalistes construisent leurs identités lorsqu’ils analysent l’actualité de la semaine sur le plateau de Télé 50. Nous avons considéré l’émission ayant fait objet d’analyse, de discours médiatique.
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C’est pour cela, nous l’avons analysée sous plusieurs facteurs partant des considérations théoriques allant dans le sens du débat télévisé et de l’analyse conversationnelle issue des dynamiques interactionnelles amenant à la construction identitaire des protagonistes. [...] Après l’analyse de l’épisode, nous avons conclu que la visée dominante de l’émission était de faire surgir une vérité, informer voire révéler et pousser les protagonistes à dévoiler leurs positionnements à travers leurs discours. Nous avons retenu dans cette analyse, au regard des identités construites, quatre positionnements des journalistes Kinois. Le premier positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-pouvoir ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des gouvernants. Le deuxième positionnement est celui des journalistes pro-opposition ceux qui sont sous l’inféodation politique des opposants congolais. Le troisième positionnement est celui de ceux des centristes, ceux qui s’efforcent de demeurer Église au milieu du village. Ils ne travaillent pas pour des intérêts partisans mais pour l’intérêt supérieur du public et le bien-être social. Le dernier positionnement est marqué par les journalistes qui sont en quête de positionnement c’est-à-dire ceux qui ne se sont pas encore situés par rapport au régime actuel caractérisé par une mosaïque des partis politiques pro-pouvoir." (Conclusion generale, pages 175-178)
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"Cet ouvrage propose de comprendre ce qui se joue dans la communication politique. Celle-ci doit laisser place à l'expression des conflits et des désaccords, ce qui permet de renégocier le pacte civil. Dans cette perspective, force est de constater que la démocratie est avant tout un espace dél
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ibératif « polémique » nourri de toutes les formes de contestation. Elle doit donc se penser comme la mise en scène d'une certaine conflictualité. La communication politique est alors le moyen pour les citoyens de la mettre en scène et par là de conférer à leurs relations une certaine stabilité.Ce qui se construit ici, au travers de la délibération publique et de la dispute, c'est bien une pluralité nouvelle qui peut transformer les acteurs-citoyens et leurs façons d'être ensemble. Moins qu'une menace, la délibération publique même et surtout conflictuelle constitue une opportunité, pour la société, d'accéder à la liberté." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"L'irruption du numérique et de l'Internet mobile a accéléré la transformation digitale de la société ivoirienne. Et, de plus en plus, des formes d'engagement politique et médiatique s'organisent avec l'utilisation des technologies socionumériques. Face à ces changements, la Côte d'Ivoire
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devra relever les défis de la recherche, du développement des infrastructures digitales et du renforcement du capital humain.Cet ouvrage revient sur l'usage des technologies socionumériques dans les campagnes électorales, les mobilisations citoyennes et les mutations médiatiques, et relève les enjeux de l'Open Data dans la perspective d'une gouvernance transparente.Il s'adresse aux étudiants en communication, aux enseignants-chercheurs, aux professionnels de la communication, aux décideurs politiques ainsi qu'aux lecteurs désireux de comprendre l'intégration évolutive des technologies socionumériques dans les pratiques de communication et, surtout, dans un cadre nécessaire de valeurs et de normes visant leur régulation." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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