"Der Autor porträtiert 23 Länder aus sechs Weltregionen. Anschließend bildet er mittels des pragmatischen Differenz-Ansatzes sechs Modelle heraus: Das liberale Modell, das Public-Service-Modell, das Klientel-Modell, das Schock-Modell, das Patrioten-Modell und das Kommando-Modell. Dabei zeigt sich...: In Ländern wie China, Syrien, dem Iran oder auch Weißrussland fungieren die Medien als Lautsprecher der Herrschenden. In den USA, Brasilien oder auch Deutschland und Frankreich sind sie eher Widersprecher. Doch auch dazwischen gibt es ein breites Feld von Ländern wie Russland, Libanon oder Italien, in denen eine Ambivalenz zwischen Lautsprechern und Widersprechern besteht, deren Kräfteverhältnis sich immer wieder verschieben kann." (Verlag)
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"Use of Ukrainian vs. Russian in news content is not important for the vast majority of adults; trust in content is key to reliance on sources. Ukrainian TV channels remain the top news sources for adults across ethnic groups and regions (other than Crimea), and offer news trusted by large majoritie...s overall, and by over half of ethnic Russians. 5Kanal's weekly reach has surged closer to those of top channels, but is a top news source for fewer in the south and, as with 1+1, in the East. Will the rise of Vkontakte, ukr.net, Ukrainska Pravda, Hromadske.tv and other digital media as top news sources continue? Will major changes in the media Crimeans use for news last? Will other websites follow VKontakte into the list of top sources there?" (Media Landscape Summary, p.21)
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"Egypt’s revolutionary uprising in 2011 raised important questions about the kind of journalism that would be viable in the country’s changing political dynamics. Suddenly the output of bloggers, online radio and social media news operations, which had all formed part of the groundswell of actio...n against dictatorship and repression, posed an explicit challenge to journalists in state-run and commercial media companies who were more directly subject to government controls. As different interest groups struggle over the country’s future, Naomi Sakr considers emerging visions of journalism in Egypt. In this book she charts recent transformations in Egyptian journalism, exploring diverse approaches to converged media and the place of participatory cross-media networks in expanding and developing the country's body of professional journalists. She analyses journalist’ initiatives for restructuring publicly owned media and securing a safe and open environment in which to work." (Publisher)
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"This paper focuses attention on randomised field experiments in the developing world that explicitly address the use of media to achieve democracy and governance (DG) outcomes ... The first section describes the growth of DG assistance and the increasing interest in DG field experiments. The second... section describes the domain of media assistance targeted at DG outcomes. The third provides an overview of current experimental and quasi-experimental studies on the intersection between media, democracy and governance. The fourth and fifth sections describe some of the challenges to successfully employing field experiments to inform media assistance programmes. The final section concludes by arguing for the benefits of practitioner-academic collaborations that provide experimental evidence about the influences on as well as the effects of media content related to democracy and governance." (p.4)
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"For Palestine's diaspora and exiled communities, the internet has become an important medium for the formation of Palestinian national and transnational identity. Miriyam Aouragh looks at the internet as both a space and an instrument for linking Palestinian diasporas in Palestine, Jordan and Leban...on. She closely examines the uses and limits of internet technology under conditions of war, along with the ways in which virtual participation enables the generation of new ideals for political reconciliation and self-determination. Through the internet, participants reconstruct a virtual 'Palestinian homeland', gain a space for recovering the past, for overcoming issues of mobility, and for generating social change. This book provides a new angle on those affected by the Israeli-Palestine conflict, and furthers understanding about the connection between electronic media, politics and national identity more widely." (Publisher)
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"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti...cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government "privately" owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis ...of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (Commbox-DD)
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"This paper explores the linkages between debates about corruption and the role of the media in Africa. It advances arguments about how citizens in Africa encounter corruption – both grand and petty – and how they perceive it, as well as factors that may contribute to the development of corrupt ...practices. These reflections are then linked to a discussion of how the press in Africa deals with corruption and whether the media may serve as a strong deterrent in combating this form of criminal behaviour." (Abstract)
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"The Price of Silence exposes a growing trend across several countries in Latin America: behind-the-scenes government interference with media freedom and editorial independence. This “soft censorship” and its pervasive chilling effects have not received the attention they deserve. By conducting ...systematic monitoring of such practices in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Uruguay, the report seeks to fill the information gap and reveal the danger soft censorship poses to journalistic freedom and independence. The report reveals how governments in the countries examined abuse the powers of regulation and the public purse to control the press with little scrutiny: they use government advertising to punish critics and reward friendly media; deny access and information to journalists perceived as “critical”; secretly pressure media owners and editors to change their editorial lines; and grant broadcast licenses in ways that benefit political allies and silence independent voices." (Back cover)
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"South Africa offers a rich context for the study of the interrelationship between the media and identity. The essays collected here explore the many diverse elements of this interconnection, and give fresh focus to topics that scholarship has tended to overlook, such as the pervasive impact of tabl...oid newspapers. Interrogating contemporary theory, the authors shed new light on how identities are constructed through the media, and provide case studies that illustrate the complex process of identity renegotiation taking place currently in post-apartheid South Africa. The contributors include established scholars as well as many new voices. Collectively, they represent some of South Africas finest media analysts pooling skills to grapple with one of the countrys most vexing issues: who are we?" (Publisher)
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"El precio del silencio' revela una tendencia creciente en varios países de América Latina: la interferencia “tras bambalinas” que ejercen los gobiernos sobre los medios de comunicación y la independencia editorial. Esta “censura sutil” y sus continuos efectos inhibitorios aún no han rec...ibido la atención que merecen. Por medio del monitoreo sistemático de tales prácticas en Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Honduras, Perú y Uruguay, este informe procura llenar el vacío de información existente y revelar los peligros que entraña la censura indirecta para la libertad y la independencia de la tarea periodística. El presente informe examina cómo los gobiernos de los países analizados abusan de sus facultades regulatorias y de fondos públicos para controlar a los medios, con muy poca vigilancia: utilizan la publicidad oficial para castigar a los medios críticos y recompensar a los que se muestran amigables; deniegan el acceso y la información a los periodistas que consideran “críticos”; presionan secretamente a dueños y editores de medios para que cambien sus líneas editoriales; y otorgan licencias de radiodifusión de modo tal de beneficiar a los aliados políticos y acallar a las voces independientes." (Tapa posterior)
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"Los enfoques de agenda setting, de network society y de public sphere constituyen el marco teórico básico para el abordaje metodológico y posterior desarrollo de “El Observador de Medios de Comunicación en América Latina” que presentamos. El Observador analiza la agenda de los principales ...medios de comunicación masiva, determinando si el tratamiento de unos temas (y la exclusión de otros) favorecen a los principios e ideales del sistema democrático y contribuyen a su desarrollo." (Introducción, p.9-10)
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"This book proposes a framework for comparative analysis of the relation between the media and the political system. Building on a survey of media institutions in eighteen West European and North American democracies, Hallin and Mancini identify the principal dimensions of variation in media systems... and the political variables that have shaped their evolution. They go on to identify three major models of media system development, the Polarized Pluralist, Democratic Corporatist, and Liberal models; to explain why the media have played a different role in politics in each of these systems; and to explore the forces of change that are currently transforming them. It provides a key theoretical statement about the relation between media and political systems, a key statement about the methodology of comparative analysis in political communication, and a clear overviewof the variety ofmedia institutions that have developed in theWest, understood within their political and historical context." (Publisher)
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