"Weltweit nutzen 3,3 Milliarden Menschen ein Smartphone, Tendenz weiter steigend. In nahezu allen Ländern des Südens ist die Verbreitung besonders groß. Nicht immer handelt es sich dabei um teure Topmodelle, aber gerade wegen ihrer Erschwinglichkeit sind allein in afrikanischen Ländern 700 Milli
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onen internetfähige Smartphones und nicht-internetfähige Mobile Phones im Gebrauch. Selbst in Ländern wie Somalia, wo Infrastrukturen gleich welcher Art kaum existent sind, funktioniert eines recht zuverlässig: das Mobilfunknetz. In einer High-Tech-Fabrik in Ruanda laufen seit neuestem täglich zehntausend »MaraPhones« genannte Smartphones vom Band.
Die durch Smartphones und Mobile Phones entstehenden Möglichkeiten werden überall auf der Welt ausgiebig genutzt. Tiefgreifende gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Veränderungen sind die Folge. Familiäre Beziehungen werden neu gestaltet und klassische Modelle sozialer Interaktion wie »Freundschaft« neu definiert. Praktisch jeder Wirtschaftssektor ist gründlich von den Handys auf den Kopf gestellt worden. Auch in der kleinbäuerlichen Landwirtschaft in Ostafrika gehören Smartphones längst zum Alltag. Ohne dem Kulturpessimismus zu frönen: Es liegt auf der Hand, dass all diese Entwicklungen nicht nur Chancen, sondern auch große Gefahren bergen. Mit keiner anderen systemrelevanten Technologie lassen sich Manipulation und Überwachung von Individuen besser bewerkstelligen als via Smartphone. Die mit erpresserischen Methoden exekutierte Datensammelwut der großen Konzerne hat durchaus eine Entsprechung in der Überwachung durch autoritäre Regime. Dagegen klingen frühere Dystopien à la »Big Brother is watching you« harmlos.
Im Bereich des Politischen wird besonders deutlich, wie groß die partizipatorischen Potenziale einer Demokratie von unten via Social Media sind, aber auch, wie schnell diese in Regression, Manipulation und Repression münden. Der Arabische Frühling galt zu Recht als »Facebook-Revolution«, das hierarchische Sender-Empfänger-Prinzip war partiell aufgehoben. Was aber vor staatlicher Verfolgung nicht nur nicht schützte, sondern sie oft überhaupt erst ermöglichte. Perfektioniert wird politische Kontrolle via Smartphone einmal mehr von der KP der Volksrepublik China. Sie hält ihre 90 Millionen Parteimitglieder via App auf Kurs – und wehe, jemand liest zu wenig Beiträge und sammelt nicht genügend »Lernpunkte«! Beim Smartphone ist es eben wie beim Beton: Es kommt drauf an, was man draus macht." (Editorial, Seite D2)
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"Social media sites allow students particularly in tertiary institutions to adopt different types of social networking sites to interact; keep in touch with their families and friends and keep up with their academic assignments. Conversely, there has been a growing concern that students at the terti
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ary level in Nigeria have devoted much of their time to communication through social networking sites at the expense of serious academic work. Thus, the study investigated how the undergraduate students of the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria make use of social media sites for academic purposes. It also examined how much time the students allotted to socialisation and academic work in the use of online media. Anchored on the Uses and Gratification Theory, the survey research design was adopted while questionnaire was used as the instrument of data collections. Data were generated from a sample of 600 respondents randomly selected from six faculties from the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria. Findings showed that most undergraduate students devoted more time to social networking sites mainly for socialisation and only used the sites for academic purposes when they were given assignments or when researching on a particular topic. The findings also revealed that the length of time spent on social networking sites socialising reduced the respondents’ ability to concentrate on academic work and eventually led to poor performance of undergraduate students. Based on the findings and conclusion, it was recommended among others, that media literacy education as a course should be introduced and integrated into the tertiary institutions’ progammes, especially at the undergraduate level." (Abstract)
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"Le discours politique de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante révèle des informations inédites qui décrivent les intérêts conflictuels que cette institution gère. La CENI, admise parmi les structures d’interaction entre l’État et le peuple, évolue dans un contexte où les
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normes universelles de la démocratie électorale lui assignent une position de neutralité (qui correspond à sa vraie mission) pendant que, sur le terrain, elle doit se construire un positionnement qui combine les visées contradictoires imposées par les différents partenaires et les acteurs qui contribuent au financement et à la réussite du processus électoral." (Dos de couverture)
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"There are still opposing and restraining forces to globalization processes taking place in media, and the global mediascape comprises international, regional and local markets, and global and local players, which in recent years have evolved at an uneven pace. By analyzing similarities and differen
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ces in a landscape where driving forces of globalization meet locally situated audiences and institutions, this volume unveils a complex, contested space comprising global and local players, whose success is determined by both their national and international dimensions. It guides its readers to the geographical and intellectual exploration of the international media landscape, analyzing the global and local media players and their modus operandi." (Publisher description)
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"2019 has seen major achievements resulting from needs-based, and specifically-tailored support through the Multi-Donor Programme on Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists (MDP). Actions building on ongoing work and others opening new avenues, have initiated substantial changes in favour of
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freedom of expression and media development. The stories presented here are some examples of how the MDP works to provide countries and their populations with the necessary tools to nurture a free and independent media. This includes promoting the adoption of policies and standards on freedom of expression and safety of journalists, and fostering diversity, gender equality and media and information literacy through and with the media. Hence the name given to this series of articles: Let Free Media Thrive." (Editorial, page 2)
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"Africa Check, the continent’s first independent fact-Checking organisation of which I was chief editor until July 2019, has itself expanded exponentially. The organisation –a non-profit mainly funded by large foundations– launched in 2012 in South Africa with a junior researcher and part-time
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editor. Africa Check then opened a second office on the continent in Dakar, Senegal, in October 2015. Here the team runs a French-language version of the website to serve West African audiences. The English-language team branched out to Lagos, Nigeria, in November 2016 with Nairobi in Kenya following in January 2017 [...] Here’s what I learned about the contribution of social media to Africa Check’s website traffic: The data shows that in each year there were a few “blockbuster” articles after which engagement tailed off. Engagement on social media site Facebook comprised the overwhelming majority of likes and shares of Africa Check content with Twitter trailing far behind; Facebook has become less and less important in driving traffic to Africa Check’s website, as has been the case for major brands and publishers all over the world. For all but one article in the top ten lists of 2015 and 2016, most views came from Facebook; it dropped to two in 2017 and three in 2018; In most cases where Twitter was the biggest source of traffic, the average time users spent on the page was higher than the time it should theoretically take to read the piece; Content engagement showed a major jump from 2015 to 2016, reflecting the rapid growth of Africa Check in that year. However, it has since decreased year on year, likely on the back of Facebook’s decline in importance as a traffic driver ..." (Publisher description)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Burkina Faso and explains how they have today become key platforms for citizen-authorities’ engagements - where citizens can express their views and also receive information on the implementation and the operationalization of public
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policies. It also highlights key challenges hindering the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparent and accountability governance in Burkina Faso and finally makes some recommendations improving the situation." (Page 2)
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"Trois-quarts des Nigériens possèdent un téléphone portable ou y ont accès à travers quelqu’un du foyer qui en possède un. Cet accès est de 55% pour la radio, 21% pour la télé, et 6% pour l’ordinateur. Mais juste 12% des Nigériens ont un téléphone portable avec accès à l’Interne
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t, une facilité plus grande chez les mieux nantis. La radio est la source d’information la plus utilisée, avec six Nigériens sur 10 qui l’écoutent au moins quelques fois par mois. En termes de régularité, 32% des Nigériens suivent les informations à la radio tous les jours, 13% à la télé, 6% sur Internet, 6% sur les médias sociaux, et 1% seulement via la presse écrite. Radio, télévision, Internet, médias sociaux, et presse écrite ont une constante: Ils sont davantage suivis pour les infos par les urbains que par les ruraux, par les hommes que par les femmes, et par les plus instruits que par les moins instruits." (Résultats clés)
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"Transnational Media: Concepts and Cases provides a clear and engaging overview of media communication from a global and a region-based perspective. Rather than focusing on just complex theories and industry-specific analyses, this unique book offers an inclusive, comparative approach to both journa
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lism and entertainment media--introducing readers to the essential concepts, systems, transnational influences, and power dynamics that shape global media flow. Broad coverage of different media forms from Asia, Africa, the Americas, Europe, and Oceania offers country-based and transnational perspectives while highlighting examples of media trends in television, radio, film, journalism, social media, music, and others." (Publisher description)
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"Ce dossier se concentre sur ces transformations plus récentes afin d’analyser leur impact sur l’économie et la politique de la production et de la distribution audiovisuelle en Afrique, tout en mettant en question les cadres théoriques et méthodologiques que nous adoptons en tant que cherch
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eurs pour les étudier. Dans cette optique, le Nigeria reste un cas d’étude incontournable à même d’influencer le débat sur les transformations du secteur audiovisuel à l’échelle continentale. Pour cette raison, une section de ce numéro est entièrement dédiée aux transformations récentes de l’industrie audiovisuelle de ce pays et à une réflexion critique sur les approches utilisées pour les analyser, grâce aux contributions de trois chercheurs qui ont fortement marqué les études sur ces phénomènes au cours des dernières années : Jonathan Haynes, Akin Adesokan et Moradewun Adejunmobi. Cette réflexion critique prolonge un débat que les textes du dossier (par Anouk Batard, Abdalla Uba Adamu, Julie Dénommée et Brian Larkin) permettent à la fois d’encadrer et de dépasser, grâce à des propositions théoriques et méthodologiques innovantes, ainsi que par la richesse des données empiriques analysées." (Page 12)
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"The innovative research in Video Games and the Global South focuses on a range of topics including art games and serious games from the global south, postcolonialism and cultural representation, player communities, software modification (modding), intercultural communication online, racism and sexi
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sm in game culture, the global growth of eSports, social media use in relation to gaming and the use of games to connect users and communities across the globe. Some fifteen years ago, Uruguayan theorist and game developer Gonzalo Frasca spoke of the possibility of creating “video games of the oppressed,” using the medium as a tool for education, socio-political awareness and consciousness-raising. In short, Frasca advocated for the appropriation of the means of game production by actors in the global south, and the repurposing of these technologies in ways that would benefit the region’s inhabitants. A decade and a half later, we can see that many gamers and game developers from across the global south have taken up this challenge, contributing to game cultures and creating games that respond to the obstacles and affordances of their particular geographical, socioeconomic, political and cultural contexts. Video Games and the Global South brings together perspectives from a range of disciplines, critical methodologies and theoretical approaches. Together, the 20 contributing essays advance the critical methodology for analyzing the relationship between games and culture, as well as historically contextualized insight into the cultural impact of video games and the development of games and game cultures across Africa, the Middle East, Central and South America, the Indian subcontinent, Oceania and Asia." (Publisher description)
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"This article discusses the habit of politicians paying journalists per diem rates in exchange for media coverage. Although bribery and money incentives have been studied as practices that compromise the ethics of journalism in several African countries, this paper researches Guinea-Bissau as an exa
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mple and establishes a distinction. Unlike bribery, the widespread payment of these stipends is legal, but it is chronically damaging for freedom of expression and professional integrity. Drawing on interviews, focus groups and ethnographic observation with professionals from national, local and community media, this paper documents the precarious state of journalism in Guinea-Bissau, particularly the sector's acute lack of financial resources and meagre wages. News sources, and dominantly the government and parties, organise multiple events, attracting coverage in exchange for remuneration. Accepting these payments is, for many journalists, the only possible mode of subsisting, despite compromising their independence. News coverage is consequently saturated with propaganda, and forms of investigative journalism are rare. This article argues that the payment of per diem rates, accepted as legitimate and common practice in several other countries, has led to a pervasive control of journalism." (Abstract)
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"The book includes an extensive section on the echoes of Rwanda, which looks at the cases of Darfur, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, and South Sudan, while the impact of social media as a new actor is examined through chapters on social media use by the Islamic State and in Syria and in other
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contexts across the developing world. It also looks at the aftermath of the genocide: the shifting narrative of the genocide itself, the evolving debate over the role and impact of hate media in Rwanda, the challenge of digitizing archival records of the genocide, and the fostering of free and independent media in atrocity's wake. The volume also probes how journalists themselves confront mass atrocity and examines the preventive function of media through the use of advanced digital technology as well as radio programming in the Lake Chad Basin and the Democratic Republic of Congo." (Publisher description)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Senegal and explains how they have today become platforms where citizens can get information and express their views on the implementation and the operationalization of public policies. This paper also elaborates on the challenges that
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hinder the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparency and accountability from duty bearers. Finally, a set of key recommendations to encourage citizen’s participation in governance processes are given." (Page 2)
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"Der US-amerikanische Streamingdienst kauft sich in Afrikas wichtigste Filmindustrie ein. Ob das anspruchsvollen afrikanischen Filmemachern mehr Geld und mehr Zuschauer bringt, ist jedoch fraglich." (Einleitung)