"1. Expansive reach and influence of WhatsApp groups: The study findings indicate that WhatsApp groups have a remarkably wide reach, potentially connecting with three quarters of WhatsApp users in Lebanon. These groups are part of larger networks, which enhances the dissemination of content. Moreove
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r, their cost-effectiveness for advertising, compared to platforms like Facebook, makes them a formidable tool for targeted information dissemination. 2. Dominant themes and regional variation in conversations: The analysis revealed that conversations in the 37 sampled groups revolved mainly around key themes such as livelihood, security, politics, and foreign countries’ involvement in Lebanon. Interestingly, there were regional variations in the content promoted and more specifically in fear-oriented news, reflecting the different concerns prevalent in various areas. 3. Sensationalism, speculation, and fearmongering: WhatsApp groups frequently employ sensationalized language, unverified speculations, and a focus on dramatic events. These practices contribute to an atmosphere of anxiety and uncertainty among the public, potentially influencing behaviors, including purchasing trends and political opinion-shaping. 4. Mis- and disinformation: The study highlighted the pervasive spread of false or misleading information, particularly during sensitive periods, where it can be used to exploit or manipulate public sentiment. Notable examples include unreliable earthquake predictions and the case of Sheikh Al Rifai’s murder." (Conclusion, page 38)
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"This book offers a ten-year perspective on ongoing and evolving practices of digital activism across the Middle East and North Africa, drawing on interviews and ethnographic evidence collected between 2012 and 2022. It examines the shifting narrative around digital activism in the region, from the
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wake of the 2011 uprisings to the 2019 series of protests coined 'the second wave of the Arab Spring'. It considers how media activists navigate the transition from the emergent to the mainstream in a climate of contentious politics, following the civil mobilisations of the pro-revolutionary youths in Tunisia, Egypt, and Lebanon. It outlines the particularities of these three different political contexts and media environments, featuring case studies of the Tunisian blogosphere, online campaigning in the Egyptian elections and interviews with social media activists. In light of this empirical evidence, the book offers a critique of the increasing prevalence of a security perspective through which online activism has been viewed and its deleterious effect on digital political engagement in the region." (Publisher description)
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"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"The purpose of this study is twofold: to understand how the Lebanese public consumes news published on traditional and alternative media, with a focus on how they perceive and deal with disinformation campaigns and fake news, and to build a comprehensive view of the organizations and initiatives th
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at are working on mis/disinformation in Lebanon since 2019. Understanding the media landscape and media consumption in Lebanon will inform future interventions on disinformation. The first part of the report examines the media landscape vis-à-vis the legal framework that governs broadcast and print media. It also offers a glimpse of news consumption behaviors in Lebanese society and discusses disinformation narratives that emerged around major events that have occurred in the last three years. The report will showcase how disinformation thrives in critical moments and provide analysis on the different factors that contribute to the surge in disinformation. The second part of the report presents the findings from the mapping that the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKF) conducted on initiatives and organizations that target mis/disinformation in Lebanon. This section also provides an assessment of some projects that were implemented in the last three years." (Executive summary)
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"Participants in the study take a snapshot of a variety of news channels and social media platforms to get their news, evaluating their truthfulness and attempting to “figure out the truth.” Across different focus groups, there is a shared lack of trust in news channels, and no media outlet is p
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articularly credited with credibility or objectivity. Even if the media is affiliated with their own religious community or political party, all participants confirm consuming media messages with great caution and limited belief. This mistrust is the result of the political and partisan ownership of news channels. Participants insist that every media outlet provides the news according to its particular interests and those of the politician who finances it. Participants are fully aware that mainstream media outlets are promoting the political agendas of their financiers and sponsors. Moreover, they are merely tools in the hands of their owners (religious factions, political parties, business persons…) who use them as part of their larger panoply to conduct their battles and achieve their political and economic aims." (Major findings, page 4-5)
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"This book is the result of a conference that could not take place. It is a collection of 26 texts that address and discuss the latest developments in international hate speech research from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. This includes case studies from Brazil, Lebanon, Poland, Nigeria,
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and India, theoretical introductions to the concepts of hate speech, dangerous speech, incivility, toxicity, extreme speech, and dark participation, as well as reflections on methodological challenges such as scraping, annotation, datafication, implicity, explainability, and machine learning. As such, it provides a much-needed forum for cross-national and cross-disciplinary conversations in what is currently a very vibrant field of research." (Back cover)
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"At a time when uneven power dynamics are high on development actors' agenda, this book will be an important contribution to researchers and practitioners working on innovation in development and civil society. While there is much discussion of localization, decolonization and 'shifting power' in ci
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vil society collaborations in development, the debate thus far centers on the aid system. This book directs attention to CSOs as drivers of development in various contexts that we refer to as the Global South. This book take a transformative stance, reimagining roles, relations and processes. It does so from five complementary angles: (1) Southern CSOs reclaiming the lead, 2) displacement of the North-South dyad, (3) Southern-centred questions, (4) new roles for Northern actors, and (5) new starting points for collaboration. The book relativizes international collaboration, asking INGOs, Northern CSOs, and their donors to follow Southern CSOs' leads, recognizing their contextually geared perspectives, agendas, resources, capacities, and ways of working. Based in 19 empirically grounded chapters, the book also offers an agenda for further research, design, and experimentation. Emphasizing the need to 'Start from the South' this book thus re-imagines and re-centers Civil Society collaborations in development, offering Southern-centred ways of understanding and developing relations, roles, and processes, in theory and practice." (Publisher description)
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"Este relatório fornece transcrições resumidas de consultas nacionais sobre a viabilidade da mídia com as partes interessadas no setor dos meios de comunicação. As consultas nacionais são baseadas nas trocas de conhecimento e pesquisas proporcionadas pela UNESCO e pela The Economist Intellige
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nce Unit (EIU) e visam explorar a viabilidade de possíveis soluções para preservar a viabilidade da mídia sem comprometer a independência editorial e a integridade do jornalismo. As consultas nacionais foram organizadas e resumidas pela Free Press Unlimited (FPU)." (Introdução)
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"[...] there has been a growing recognition that traditional approaches to media development are struggling to deliver the anticipated results. This acknowledgement has led some donors to conduct far-ranging needs assessments in order to better understand the priorities of their beneficiaries as wel
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l as the environmental constraints that have blunted the impact of media development initiatives in the past. At the same time, the recipients of donor funding are increasingly asking to have a say in determining the kind of support that is provided by the international community. They say that programmes should be driven by demand rather than by donor assumptions or thematic priorities that do not fully reflect the situation on the ground. The calls for proposals reviewed during this study suggest that donors are responding to these concerns. There is clear evidence of concerted efforts to make funding more accessible to local organisations and to move the centre of gravity away from international partners. Although some programmes remain out of the reach of local players due to the size of their budgets or their regional scope, they often include very significant sub-granting programmes aimed at helping local media to become viable businesses and at supporting the production of public interest content. The themes embraced by the calls also reflect the urgent need within the media sector to build resilience to economic shocks, political bullying and disinformation campaigns. There is a marked insistence on promoting usable skills such as factchecking and mobile journalism, accompanied by provisions for ensuring that training is delivered by “media professionals as opposed to professional trainers with minimal or no experience in the media industry”. These are positive developments which, to a large extent, have been driven by sustained dialogue between stakeholders and far-ranging needs assessments. Of particular note in Lebanon is the unprecedented success of the Media Recovery Fund, initiated by the Samir Kassir Foundation, which marks a dramatic shift in the implementer-donor relationship. There is a strong possibility that this approach could form the focus of future coordination efforts and could, in time, serve as the cornerstone for a national media development strategy. It could also become a blueprint for other countries in the region." (Executive summary)
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"Many mediators and peacebuilders are interested in using information about actors and narratives on social media to inform programming. Our starting assumption is that users of this toolkit do not have the resources to either hire a specialist social media analysis firm or to pay for commercial soc
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ial media analysis tools. Therefore, this toolkit is a practical how-to guide for mediators and peacebuilders who want to conduct their own social media analysis, offering an overview of what is possible, a practical guide to a handful of technology tools, and suggestions on analysis methods. The toolkit is also a why-to guide, offering ideas on what programming social media analysis can inform and when it is worth investing resources in this kind of analysis. The toolkit is structured in three sections:
Section 1 outlines what it is possible to do with social media data. It covers how to select the social media platforms on which to conduct analysis and explains what data it is possible to gather from each platform. It also offers three main use cases for social media analysis that can support the work of peacebuilders and mediators, explaining the kind of insights we can glean from social media data, and how they connect to relevant programming.
Section 2 outlines in detail how to work with Facebook and Twitter data. It includes how to come up with search parameters, how to decide whether to download data or view it in a search tool, how to access data from Facebook and Twitter, and how to organise data that has been collected. It also looks at analysis methods to find patterns in this data that can help peacebuilders and mediators understand what is the general narrative (netnography or narrative analysis), what people are talking about most and how (quantitative analysis), what is the tone and emotion of a narrative (sentiment analysis), and who is talking about what with whom (network analysis).
Section 3 offers case studies of social media analysis conducted to support peacebuilding or mediation programs. The case studies connect to the previous sections, illustrating how the methods and tools outlined are used in practice in our fields." (Introduction)
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"The pandemic brought to crisis point prior trends facing independent news media, whether online or offline or hybrid. While media became more important than ever for citizens as a source of reliable information in an insecure and continuously changing world, newsrooms struggled to pay their bills.
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Already under financial pressure, many independent media have had to cut staff and even close shop. Transforming this moment of crisis into a window of opportunity, however, many in the media community, officialdom, academia, civil society and the private sector are taking action. They have come up with innovative ways to strengthen viability through initiatives that produce revenue and contribute to the central mission of independent journalism. Their efforts are a source of inspiration for media enterprises all around the world. To help multiply the achievements, this UNESCO publication profiles 11 case studies that can help ensure media viability without compromising editorial independence and journalistic integrity." (Back cover)
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"The MDP’s response to these urgent needs was twofold: assisting Lebanese media in overcoming the viability crisis caused by the Beirut blasts, and countering the deterioration of freedom of expression and of the safety of journalists, while also maintaining previous efforts to raise awareness on
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the access to information law. Firstly, UNESCO provided financial and technical support to a Media Recovery Fund created by the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKeyes). The Media Recovery Fund has since its creation supported the economic viability of Lebanese media outlets, as well as has helped journalists affected by the blasts through psychosocial support and through the replacement of damaged equipment. Within the framework of the LiBeirut taskforce, an international initiative launched by UNESCO’s Director- General to support the rehabilitation of the city, UNESCO led an interagency initiative together with UNODC and UNFPA to support civil society projects for communities affected by the blasts. The selected projects focused on freedom of expression, access to information, and media and information literacy, with special attention being granted to youth and women." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"On November 8, 2021, a French court sentenced Lebanese priest Mansour Labaky to 15 years in prison in absentia. Labaky’s name has been added to the list of registered sex offenders. The court also announced that the arrest warrant issued against him in 2016 shall remain in force. The priest was c
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harged with rape and sexual assault of three underage girls during his time running an orphanage, between 1990 and 1998, in the French town of Douvres-la-Délivrande. Back in 2012, he was also convicted by the Vatican’s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith after he was found guilty of sexually assaulting the three minors. The verdict was upheld on appeal in 2013. [...] This study aims to analyse the media coverage of Labaky’s case, in particular from Monday, November 8, 2021 – date of the court’s verdict – to the end of the same month. It is based on the content of 14 Lebanese media platforms, including television stations, newspapers, and websites, as well as the public’s reaction to their coverage on social media, particularly Twitter. Five TV stations were monitored: LBCI, Al-Manar, Al-Jadeed, MTV, and OTV. Furthermore, three newspapers (An-Nahar, Al-Akhbar, and Nida’ Al-Watan) and six online media outlets (Daraj, Megaphone, Janoubia, Bint Jbeil, Lebanon Debate, and Lebanon Files) were also monitored." (Pages 31-32)
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"This research was conducted to assess the digital security posture among independent media organizations in Lebanon. It is significant for media organizations in Lebanon to maintain a good standard of digital security, especially in an era when press freedom is increasingly under attack." (Introduc
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tion and Methodology, 5)
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