The general analysis of this Yearbook is divided into three parts. The first is an introductory chapter that contains a comparative synthesis of fiction in the Obitel countries. This comparison is made from a quantitative and qualitative point of view that makes it possible to observe the developmen
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t of fiction in each country, highlighting their main productions, as well as the topic of the year: “Quality in television fiction”. In the second part there are eleven chapters (one for each country), with an internal structure where the Yearbook sections are usually fixed, though some are more specific than others. The sections that make up each of the chapters are the following: 1. The country’s audiovisual context; 2. Analysis of premiere fiction; 3. Transmedia Reception; The most outstanding productions of the year; 5. Finally, there is the Topic of the Year, which in this issue is: Trasnationalization of Television Fiction. This phenomenon, which is at the same a growing tendency, is received in three dimensions: 1. The transnational element “behind” the screen, where we present a media ownership index in each country; 2. The transnational element “on” the screen, by locating the origin of the stories for the premiere Top Ten, the casting and the production locations; 3. The transnational element “beyond” the screens, where we place the import and export flows of the fiction products in the OBITEL countries. The third part is an Appendix.
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"The article presents the main results of the investigation, ‘Current Situation and Prospects of Spanish Cooperation in Culture and Communication with the Rest of Ibero-America, 1997–2007’. The text offers an overview of the initiatives which took place during the period studied, by country, c
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ultural and media sectors, agents involved, and type of activity. Spain’s role in terms of cooperation in culture and communication is analysed, and a reflection on the possibility of building an Ibero-American cultural space appropriate to the new digital scene is also included. Although Ibero-America has traditionally been a privileged geopolitical space for Spanish cooperation policy, this was not developed until well into the new millennium, evolving from simplistic and rhetorical visions based on instrumental conceptions of culture and communication to a gradual recognition of the fact that cooperation is much more than the classical actions of dissemination and promotion of Spanish cultural products." (Abstract)
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"This book aims to provide a context in which a clear link can be traced between the politics of memory and its manifold representations and misrepresentations in public media towards a viable politics of justice. The assumption is that public awareness and perceptions of injustice, whether they are
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political, economic, or social, depend on the mass media of communication for recognition and valorization – including, today, new communication and information technologies such as social media platforms. Undoubtedly this assumption is based on a system in which mass media can operate independently, fairly, and in a balanced and unbiased way: in other words, according to a much vaunted and fast vanishing ‘public service ethos’ imbued with high standards of truthtelling, objectivity, balance, and accountability. A parallel assumption is that if the public is made aware and has access to relevant information and knowledge, it will be motivated to pressure governments for reform, reparation, and – in the best possible scenario – some kind of consensus between all parties on ways to move forward as a nation. As we have pointed out above, this argues for an a priori ‘right to memory’ that affirms and protects those frameworks and structures of collective memory that guarantee the physical, psychological, and symbolic integrity of a group of people or, indeed, a nation. There are many aspects to the debate." (Introduction, page 17)
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"Concentrated and usually conservative media are characteristic of Latin American countries, and at the same time these structures undermine meaningful democracy. Given the political influence of large media conglomerates, even most center-left governments are reluctant to limit the power of influen
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tial companies. Argentina, however, passed a new comprehensive media law in 2009 designed to democratize the media sector. This article traces the origins of the law and analyzes the strategies of the actors involved, with the focus resting on the roles of social movements and large media companies. The article then presents the main features of the new regulation that social movements now take as a model case for other countries. I argue that the new law originates from an unusually participatory legislative process and furthers the democratization of communication. The passage of this law is explained through the associational capabilities of the movement, the potent framing of media regulation as a matter of democracy and the changing mediaÞstate dynamics that disrupted the long-standing mutually supporting ties between the dominant Clarín Group and the government." (Abstract)
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"We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase
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in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government’s corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individualcorruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends." (Abstract)
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"El método "Valor Agregado Periodístico" (VAP) analiza los principales elementos que configuran la calidad periodística, de manera de contribuir a aumentar el valor de la entrega informativa - verdadero aporte de la profesión periodística a la veracidad, precisión y credibilidad de los conteni
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dos - y diferenciarla de la ofrecida por las fuentes directas. Este libro muestra el recorrido teórico y metodológico que llevó a la construcción del modelo y ejemplifica con el estudio comparativo de ocho medios lationamericanos de Argentina, Chile, Colombia y Perú." (Contratapa)
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"[...] En este informe confirmamos que si bien existen avances en algunos países, la mayor parte de ellos mantiene un sistema regulatorio y políticas públicas de radio y televisión que violan la libertad de expresión; que se traducen en prácticas discrecionales y discriminatorias en la adjudic
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ación de frecuencias; que no establecen límites reales a la concentración de medios; que imponen barreras a las comunidades indígenas, las organizaciones sociales y otros medios no comerciales al acceso equitativo, y que, además, disponen limitaciones técnicas y económicas que impiden su desarrollo, lo que deriva en el silenciamiento de voces disidentes y diversas e impacta gravemente a la democracia, situación que se ha venido agudizando con los procesos de convergencia y transición tecnológica. Estos procesos, que avanzan rápidamente, podrían –y deberían- ser una gran oportunidad para garantizar el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión en condiciones de pluralidad y diversidad. Sin embargo, existe una preocupante tendencia hacia una mayor concentración de medios de comunicación por efecto de la expansión de servicios de quienes ya cuentan con frecuencias del espectro radioeléctrico, por lo que consideramos conveniente que la CIDH determine estándares específcios que permitan tanto el artículo 13º de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, como la Declaración de Principios sobre Libertad de Expresión, de 2000, en materia de regulación de servicios de comunicación audiovisual y radiodifusión, tanto en lo que toca a los entornos existentes como a la transición a los soportes digitales, previa a la adopción de normas nacionales para garantizar una distribución y asignación de espectro compatibles con el Estado de Derecho y el pluralismo." (Introducción)
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"El documento identifica las diferentes maneras a través de las cuales los actores del campo periodístico—ya sean periodistas, editores o propietarios de medios de comunicación—se han comprometido en la promoción, implementación y monitoreo de la legislación de acceso a la información pú
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blica. La metodología de la investigación ha sido cualitativa; el relevamiento bibliográfico se complementó con opiniones de actores clave consultados para el estudio. Esta investigación permitió constatar que acceso a la información y prensa se relacionan, realimentan y confluyen de diversas maneras. Esas distintas formas de relacionarse han podido verificarse como fuertes o muy fuertes al comienzo (al definir la agenda, por ejemplo) pero esa relación es más débil en la fase de monitoreo de la legislación." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"In the year of the Arab uprisings Global Information Society Watch 2011 investigates how governments and internet and mobile phone companies are trying to restrict freedom online – and how citizens are responding to this using the very same technologies. Everyone is familiar with the stories of E
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gypt and Tunisia. GISWatch authors tell these and other lesser-known stories from more than 60 countries. Stories about: Prison conditions in Argentina - prisoners are using the internet to protest living conditions and demand respect for their rights; Torture in Indonesia - the torture of two West Papuan farmers was recorded on a mobile phone and leaked to the internet, the video spread to well-known human rights sites sparking public outrage and a formal investigation by the authorities; The tsunami in Japan - citizens used social media to share actionable information during the devastating tsunami, and in the aftermath online discussions contradicted misleading reports coming from state authorities. GISWatch also includes thematic reports and an introduction from Frank La Rue, Un special rapporteur." (Back cover)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"En 2010 el Foro desplegó una nueva investigación en la que han participado ocho países: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, México y Perú. El esfuerzo realizado por los equipos locales del Foro, con el apoyo inestimable de Fundación Telefónica y de Telefónica, ha permiti
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do que más de seiscientos colegios hayan tomado parte en ella, lo que ha supuesto encuestar a más de setenta y ocho mil menores de entre 6 y 18 años. Se ha puesto, además, un énfasis particular en que también los menores de los entornos rurales estuvieran debidamente representados en la muestra de estudio, lo que ha supuesto en muchos casos un trabajo adicional por parte de los profesores y de los equipos locales [...] los menores en los países iberoamericanos están creciendo en un contexto altamente tecnologizado, lo que plantea nuevas oportunidades y nuevos retos desde el punto de vista educativo y de la protección del menor. La importancia de éstos es tal que solo cabe una respuesta activa por parte de todas la instituciones involucradas en su educación: gobiernos, empresas, escuelas y, por supuesto, familias, deben sentirse interpeladas por la necesidad de formar a los menores en el uso responsable de las TIC. Únicamente el esfuerzo conjunto podrá conseguir minimizar los riesgos a los que se enfrentan con su uso y sacar el máximo provecho a las oportunidades que ofrece este nuevo escenario." (Introducción, página 12)
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