"La comparación con los años previos pone en evidencia el brutal desplome de la producción durante 2020 a raíz de los confinamientos y otras restricciones debidos a la pandemia de COVID-19. Tomada como un todo, la exhibición nacional de estreno cayó respecto de 2019 en un 41%, pero en algunos
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casos se llegó al 80% y 90% de caída. En términos absolutos, la mayor caída se reportó en Brasil, cuyo 68% de caída se tradujo en 891 horas menos de ficción. La única excepción fue Uruguay, que tuvo un aumento explosivo, pero desde una base de comparación muy baja. Lo anómalo del año 2020 no debe ocultar algo probablemente más estructural. Nuevamente, tomado el ámbito Obitel como un todo, la caída de un 41% este último año se agrega a la caída acumulada de un 22% que ya arrastraban los dos años anteriores a la pandemia. Este retroceso en la producción de ficción para televisión abierta no debe ser leído únicamente como una caída en la capacidad productiva. El volumen de material de estreno en VoD, mostrado más adelante, sugiere que al menos una parte del fenómeno es un desplazamiento desde una ventana de exhibición hacia otra." (Página 41)
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"This report is meant to share the experiences and lessons of local media practitioners globally, and to build a community for networking and support. It’s about telling their story in their own voice – and helping all involved learn from one another. By talking to both new digital start-ups and
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traditional media in transition, this report identifies how media builders in different circumstances understand and meet the challenges they face. Comparing and contrasting experiences from different parts of the world provides both lessons that can be copied as well as warnings about the need to understand how different regional and national conditions impact success. From there, the report draws practical recommendations for news media leaders, for media support organizations, and for the IPI global network." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This document was developed as an instrument to support civil society organizations (CSOs) in Colombia in the development of oral archives and in the organization of their archival collections. It draws from the experience of GIJTR partners International Coalition of Sites of Conscience (ICSC) and
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Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), and ICSC members Memoria Abierta (Argentina), Parque por la Paz Villa Grimaldi (Chile) and Centro de Memoria Monseñor Juan Gerardi (Guatemala), combined with lessons learned in supporting Colombian CSOs in preparing documentation for the Comisión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad) Truth Commission. This practical guide highlights basic principles in developing oral archives based on interviews, and in organizing human rights documentation archives. Section 1 focuses on the development of oral archives, and Section 2 offers basic advice on the first steps to help CSOs organize their archives." (About this toolkit)
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"[...] el libro propone un diálogo a partir de tres categorías, a saber: 1) las limitaciones al acceso a la información y sus impactos en la vida política; 2) el régimen jurídico de la comunicación; y 3) los medios de comunicación y la representación política. Esta perspectiva, nos ayuda a
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fundamentar un estado de la discusión al tiempo en que vislumbramos una reflexión posicional que contribuye al análisis comparado del caso latinoamericano." (Introducción, página 15)
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"The playbook approach consists of how to (1) identify ongoing information manipulation campaigns; (2) develop real-time and short-term responses; and (3) build long-term resilience to information manipulation. While we outline three distinct steps in this playbook, the process for combating informa
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tion manipulation is circular, with each step overlapping and reinforcing the others. Planning timelines will vary based on context, but—if at all possible—we encourage proactive rather than reactive planning to effectively counter electoral information manipulation. The playbook’s three-part strategy can help you develop rapid and real-time responses, as well as establish long-term and sustainable approaches to building resilience in order to maintain the integrity of elections and strengthen democratic processes." (Page 3)
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"Regina Martínez Pérez was a prolific journalist from the state of Veracruz in Mexico, one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. Since 2006, Veracruz has seen a particularly high rate of journalist murders, and on 28 April 2012, Regina Martínez Pérez was brutally murdered in her home
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in the city of Xalapa. The police investigation into her murder has been heavily criticized by various experts and observers, pointing to significant anomalies in the official investigation. To address the many questions around the official investigation and in an attempt to uncover the truth around the murder, we conducted our own investigation into the case." (Abstract)
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"This book features pathbreaking analysis from journalists and academics of the changing nature and peril of media capture - how formerly independent institutions fall under the sway of governments, plutocrats, and corporations. Contributors including Emily Bell, Felix Salmon, Joshua Marshall, Joel
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Simon, and Nikki Usher analyze diverse cases of media capture worldwide, many drawn from firsthand experience. They examine the role played by new media companies and funders, showing how the confluence of the growth of big tech and falling revenues for legacy media has led to new forms of control. Contributions also shed light on how the rise of right-wing populists has catalyzed the crisis of global media. They also chart a way forward, exploring the growing need for a policy response and sustainable models for public-interest investigative journalism." (Publisher description)
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"Este libro tiene por objetivo visibilizar y reconocer las contribuciones de las mujeres pioneras en los estudios de comunicación en América Latina, y lo hace con un doble propósito. Por un lado, como aporte a la historia del campo de la comunicación, a la que pretende completar con estas otras
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historias de investigadoras. Por el otro, como aporte a la enseñanza de los estudios latinoamericanos en el ámbito universitario. Recogemos aquí el desafío de diversos colectivos de estudiantes que comenzaron en los últimos años a advertir sobre la ausencia de autoras en los (nuestros) programas de estudio. Entendimos que tal cuestión —al mismo tiempo, cuestionamiento— no podía ser despachada con la inclusión de algún cupo bibliográfico, sino que más bien debía ser abordada a partir del examen atento de las contribuciones de aquellas primeras investigadoras que abrieron un camino: Regina Gibaja, Lisa Block de Behar, Mabel Piccini, Michèle Mattelart, Beatriz Sarlo, Margarita Graziano, Paula Wajsman, Elizabeth Fox, Margarita Zires Roldán, Fátima Fernández Christlieb, entre otras." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"As a consequence of the endemic anti-press violence, Mexican journalists work under dangerous conditions. The constant assaults have eroded the practice of free journalism and thus, the people's right to know. Drawing on a set of semi-structured interviews with news workers from the most violent st
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ates across the country, this study emphasises that this phenomenon has a threefold impact at the individual, organisational, and societal levels. That is, those attacks affect the victims, the newsrooms they work for, and society. The findings also point that journalists throughout the nation share similar perceptions regarding these implications, because there is a generalised risk that they have to constantly face." (Abstract)
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"Since 2000, more than 150 journalists have been killed in Mexico. Today the country is one of the most dangerous in the world in which to be a reporter. In Surviving Mexico, Celeste González de Bustamante and Jeannine E. Relly examine the networks of political power, business interests, and organi
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zed crime that threaten and attack Mexican journalists, who forge ahead despite the risks. Amid the crackdown on drug cartels, overall violence in Mexico has increased, and journalists covering the conflict have grown more vulnerable. But it is not just criminal groups that want reporters out of the way. Government forces also attack journalists in order to shield corrupt authorities and the very criminals they are supposed to be fighting. Meanwhile some news organizations, enriched by their ties to corrupt government officials and criminal groups, fail to support their employees. In some cases, journalists must wait for a “green light” to publish not from their editors but from organized crime groups. Despite seemingly insurmountable constraints, journalists have turned to one another and to their communities to resist pressures and create their own networks of resilience. Drawing on a decade of rigorous research in Mexico, González de Bustamante and Relly explain how journalists have become their own activists and how they hold those in power accountable." (Publisher description)
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"In recent years, Internews’ Earth Journalism Network (EJN) has invested time and resources to better understand the results of the support it provides to journalists and media outlets. EJN already uses a suite of methods to gauge the impact of its efforts to improve environmental media, such as e
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valuating individual training and capacity development activities. In 2020, it commissioned a study that aimed to go a step further and support deeper learning on whether, how and why EJN’s work contributes to changes in the policies and practices of different actors. This report summarizes the study’s main findings, insights and recommendations [...] Key findings within EJN's control: EJN’s financial and mentoring support enables journalists with varied levels of experience to undertake reporting that they would otherwise find difficult. As a result, they can produce newsworthy stories on environmental issues. Research challenges mentioned earlier resulted in incomplete data, but it appears that stories supported by EJN are likely to achieve higher levels of engagement when published in local languages. Many stories published with EJN’s support are republished and shared through other news outlets and social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. Levels of engagement appear to vary considerably across countries and distribution channels, however data explored by the study indicates they may be higher for local language media, particularly video." (Executive summary, page 9-10)
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"The intersection between media and politics remains very strong in several countries under study. In these conditions, there is often little transparency on media ownership and a lack of transparency on local funding sources of media. Relatedly, in some cases, a change in government policies was ra
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ised as an important precondition to possibly change the negative discourse towards the (public) media. A different political climate may benefit the financial conditions of a media outlet, for instance by lifting difficulties in acquiring media licenses or access to (governmental) funding by independent media. The advertisement markets for media are, in many of the countries under study, still controlled by a few large, more traditional media outlets. Generally, the advertising market is driven by a number of factors, including a network, political patronage, and the ability of media owners to utilise relationships with the corporate sector. Due to the digitalisation of media and the advertising market, the market has further changed over the past years. There is limited to no regulation in the distribution of advertisement funding based on quality standards for journalism. Some media practitioners proposed to address this problem by stimulating national governments to support regulatory bodies for media advertisement. While digital advertisement is on the rise, most revenue of online (media) advertisement is directed to big tech companies. An increased amount of advertising money is flowing towards social media platforms, and Internet advertising has been rising exponentially, as observed in all countries under study. The media sector as a whole is suffering from this trend, particularly the more traditional print media who are struggling to make the transition to online media. In some countries under study, media are not even eligible to generate an income on the large social media platforms. Policies to regulate online advertisement is imperative to strengthen the competition position of traditional media." (Global trends, page 9)
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"This paper presents the participatory video methodology as an effective tool to establish a two-way communication channel between researchers and marginalized communities. The discussion begins by describing the transition from one- to two-way communication in the research for development field, fo
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llowed by how participatory video opens a two-way communication process that contributes to research for development objectives. This is illustrated through a participatory video experience conducted within an agricultural research for development program in Nicaragua, where the methodology was linked to the program’s learning, innovation, and gender and youth empowerment objectives while supporting its productive, economic, and environmental objectives. The paper concludes with an analysis of the effectiveness of participatory video in establishing a two-way communication channel, considering its limitations and its possible applications in various research fields." (Abstract)
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"In this chapter, I analyze transnational memory following the four elements outlined in the introduction—actors, structures, practices, and outcomes—in the case of the disappearances of forty-three students from Ayotzinapa, Mexico, in 2014. First, I discuss why the issue of agency and the outco
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mes of transnational memory represents a “hard” aspect for theorization. Then, drawing on the work of Kurasawa (2007), I propose to approach transnational memory as a crucial component of the project of global justice. Kurasawa stresses the importance of conceiving of human rights not as ontological attributes that we enjoy as members of humankind but as a set of practices, “capacities that groups and persons produce, activate and must exercise by pursuing ethico-political labor.” After sketching the sociopolitical context of the Mexican “War on Drugs,” I analyze the transnational memory work in this case in three different initiatives: the work of the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI for its Spanish initials), the Forensic Architecture online platform “The Ayotzinapa Case: A Cartography of Violence,” and the initiative Ayotzinapa: Visual Action. Read together, these actions cover a spectrum of actors—intergovernmental organizations, research centers, activists, and artists, as well as different dimensions: legal, forensic, aesthetic. Finally, I discuss the potential of “structurally transformative agency” (Hays 1994: 64) to disrupt the structure of impunity that has prevailed in Mexico." (Page 48)
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"This research brings together scholarship across the Americas and Caribbean to examine digital inclusion initiatives in the following countries: Uruguay, Chile, Peru, Brazil, Mexico, Cuba, Jamaica, the United States, and Canada. Across the cases, several themes emerge that offer important indicator
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s for future digital inclusion initiatives. First, public policy can effectively reduce access gaps when it addresses the trifecta of network, device, and skill provision. Second, this triple-crown of public policy is highly effective for longitudinal effect when implemented early via educational institutions. Third, rural-urban digital inequality is resistant to change such that rural populations benefit less from policy initiatives than their urban counterparts. Fourth, digital inclusion in rural areas and among marginalized populations is most effective when cocreated with communities to ensure community investment, participation, and control. Fifth, stay-at-home orders during the COVID-19 pandemic are rapidly increasing our dependence on digital technologies, making digital inclusion more important than ever for education and rural communities. We therefore close the article with discussion of how the COVID-19 pandemic is amplifying digital disadvantage and exclusion across the Americas, the Caribbean, and the globe. (Abstract)
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"This is the true story of how, against all odds, a remote Mexican pueblo built its own autonomous cell phone network – without help from telecom companies or the government. Anthropologist Roberto J. González paints a vivid and nuanced picture of life in a Oaxaca mountain village and the collect
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ive tribulation, triumph, and tragedy the community experienced in pursuit of getting connected. In doing so, this book captures the challenges and contradictions facing Mexico's indigenous peoples today, as they struggle to wire themselves into the 21st century using mobile technologies, ingenuity, and sheer determination. It also holds a broader lesson about the great paradox of the digital age, by exploring how constant connection through virtual worlds can hinder our ability to communicate with those around us." (Back cover)
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"El objetivo de este libro colectivo es ofrecer una perspectiva panorámica acerca de la investigación profesional sobre los estudios cinematográficos que se está produciendo en siete países de América Latina: Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Colombia, Chile, México y Perú. En cada uno de los cap
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tulos de este volumen se ofrece un puntual registro de la producción bibliográfica nacional y la ponderación de estos materiales desde una perspectiva especializada. En las primeras dos décadas del nuevo siglo se observa un crecimiento exponencial de los estudios sobre cine en la región latinoamericana. Es de esperarse que esta tendencia se mantenga y que propicie un diálogo internacional para la creación de redes de cooperación académica, videotecas compartidas y publicaciones conjuntas. La investigación sobre cine producida en América Latina se encuentra en un momento de crecimiento y efervescencia, y este impulso podrá llevar a la producción de modelos teóricos de alcance universal. Esperamos que la presentación de estos materiales contribuya a la consolidación y el crecimiento de este terreno emergente de la investigación interdisciplinaria." (Resumen)
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"This chapter focuses on the context of violence and political polarization in three Central American countries: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, and analyses how these conditions negatively affect press freedom and the practice of journalism. The author argues that the notion of “insecure dem
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ocracies” can be applied to the reality of these countries and discusses relevant limitations for the work of media organizations and journalists, and how these constrains might impact journalists’ motivations to engage in self-censorship. The author concludes that the engagement of political, social and academic actors and journalists’ associations is necessary for improving the conditions for press freedom, the safety and security of journalists, plural and diverse media systems, and for deepening the understanding of self-censorship in these Central American countries." (Abstract)
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