"The COVID-19 pandemic has caused an increased challenge for journalists and media professionals worldwide. However, there is a lack of information on these adversities in many developing countries, including Bangladesh. Our study aims to explore these challenges and risks associated with journalism
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, including those who cover the health beat of news agencies in Bangladesh during the pandemic. The study follows a qualitative research approach as we interviewed national and local level journalists of leading newspapers, television channels, news agencies, and online news portals of Bangladesh. Twenty-eight in-depth interviews (IDI) were conducted following purposive sampling technique and a semi-structured interview schedule was used for data collection. The collected data were audio-taped, transcribed, and later on analyzed thematically. Five themes emerged from our findings as the participants reported of challenges in adopting to the new communication technologies and methods, job insecurity and financial crises, loss of freedom of expression, problems accessing credible information, and health and safety issues. We conclude that specific protocols on job/salary protection, training on new information and communication technologies (ICTs), precise laws and policies on circulation and access to information, and a support system for sound physical and mental health of the journalists need to be prioritised during the pandemic." (Abstract)
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"The study attempts to understand how Pakistani journalists perceive Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and resilience in the wake of covering traumatic events. Qualitative interviews of 32 Pakistani journalists were conducted who had covered military operations against militants. The findings in
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dicated that most of the journalists were not able to comprehend the impact of covering traumatizing events as they were war-excited. Conflict journalists perceived PTSD as depression, anxiety, insomnia, and intrusive recollection of events after exposure to traumatic events. Journalists who were exposed to beheadings and events involving killing of women and children felt more vulnerable and perceived PTSD as having a numbing effect on them. Dependence on family and friends was considered more crucial for dealing with the after effects of exposure to trauma than seeking therapy. Non-availability of medical insurance and funds from the media organizations were termed as important reasons for avoiding therapy. Resilience for conflict reporters was mostly perceived as the ability to “cope up” and to contribute to the wellbeing of others along with the ability to revisit trauma sites to report follow-up stories. Resilience was considered more achievable in the presence of organizational acknowledgement, compensation, and recognition of work." (Abstract)
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"This book offers insights into social media practices and challenges in developing nations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Covering different aspects of social media during the pandemic, the book offers new frameworks, concepts, tools and techniques for integrating social media to support national de
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velopment. Thematically organised chapters from a global team of scholars address the different aspects of social media during pandemic. The book begins by looking at ICT for development and how development agencies have used social media platforms, before looking at engagement with these social media campaigns and the spread of misinformation. Further chapters cover the practical uses of social media in healthcare and virtual medicine, mental health issues and challenges, remote education, and government policies." (Publisher description)
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"This research article answers calls for a greater understanding of science journalism in the Global South. Taking the case of environmental journalism in Pakistan, we present a thematic analysis of data from interviews with nine environmental reporters working for a range of news titles, representi
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ng the major media organisations in the country. We find that a range of factors on individual, routine, organisational, and extra-media level influence media reporting of the environment in Pakistan and shape the professional identities of environmental journalists. The environmental beat is regarded as lacking in prestige compared to politics or the economy, and resource constraints prevent on-the-ground reporting. Access to sources and data also hamper environmental reporting. A “balance as bias” approach, whereby contesting views concerning climate change are presented without reference to the weight of evidence, persists. The commercial imperatives of proprietors, and the demands of advertisers, means that environmental coverage is often excluded or relegated to the margins. There is a difference in the ways in which English-language and Urdu-language titles approach scientific topics." (Abstract)
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"The GeoPoll Afghanistan Media Audience Landscape Establishment Survey comprised of 2,000 Computer Assisted Telephone Interviews (CATI) with respondents across the country, conducted in from December 2023 to January 2024. Based on the survey data, approximately 67% of the adult Afghan population wat
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ch television at least once a month." (Page 2)
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"The Taliban retook control of Afghanistan on Aug. 15, 2021 after two decades of fighting on the ground and manipulating narratives online, particularly on social media. Their tactical use of social media was more evident in 2021 when they were advancing their territorial gains and posting on social
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media to promote the idea of their impending return to power. This study aims to understand the (ab)use of social media by the resurgent Taliban 2.0 and to suggest ways young Afghans can utilize social media to navigate their lives under the new regime. The authors undertook a critical review of the literature to analyze the Taliban’s social media tactics in manipulating public narratives to portray themselves as the legitimate rulers of Afghans. The study finds that the Taliban’s adaptation of social media tools helped them retake control of Afghanistan by influencing public narratives in their favor. This study recommends promoting critical thinking abilities among young Afghans to utilize social media to express dissent and advocate for their rights." (Abstract)
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"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have
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never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat).
Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education.
Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so.
87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"This article explores how Palestinian and Kashmiri civilians engage with the everyday reality of war. The focus is on understanding how citizens temporarily adopt the roles of war correspondents, contributing to the broader conflict narrative. Employing an inductive approach, the study integrates e
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thnography, phenomenology, and reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) to gain insights into how citizen journalists shape war narratives. Analysing the interview data through RTA reveals six key themes: “Emerging citizen journalism practices,” “Community Consciousness,” “Challenges in media perception,” “Self-expression and Social cohesion,” Responding to Authoritarian Falsehoods”, “Teen journalism”, and “Self-protection and safety”. The findings suggest that the citizen journalism practices in Palestine and Kashmir strategically report the war narratives, representing a progressive journalism practice. The results underline that citizen journalism practices in these regions purposefully present war narratives and represent a form of constructive journalism, which responds to authoritarian regimes’ extensive control over mainstream media and facilitates reconciliation and peace. Such citizen journalism practices act as an equipoise to data imbalances in information architecture for the consumers. The research underscores how conflict citizen journalism embodies activist and collaborative models with robust potential for replication in other conflict-ridden areas." (Abstract)
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"Drawing from nation-branding as a recent development in contemporary globalization, and new middle power theory that examines hierarchies of nations, we used thematic textual analysis to examine business press coverage of the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) consortium for business news represent
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ations and the positioning of IBSA nations in the global arena. Analysis of coverage in India’s The Financial Express, Brazil’s Valor Econômico and South Africa’s Business Day revealed that regional economic leadership, strengths in trade and technology, development aid and the consortium’s collective engagement in global activism inform the business press’ positioning of the IBSA countries as new middle powers." (Abstract)
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"Political technology' is a Russian term for the professional engineering of politics. It has turned Russian politics into theatre and propaganda, and metastasised to take over foreign policy and weaponise history. The war against Ukraine is one outcome. In the West, spin doctors and political consu
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ltants do more than influence media or run campaigns: they have also helped build parallel universes of alternative political reality. Hungary has used political technology to dismantle democracy. The BJP in India has used it to consolidate unprecedented power. Different countries learn from each other. Some types of political technology have become notorious, like troll farms or data mining; but there is now a global wholesale industry selling a range of manipulation techniques, from astroturfing to fake parties to propaganda apps. This book shows that 'political technology' is about much more than online disinformation: it is about whole new industries of political engineering." (Publisher description)
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"Within the complex media and educational landscape of Afghanistan, characterized by the takeover by the de facto authorities, a study of the current Media-Based education was facilitated by the Afghanistan Independent Journalists Union (AIJU) and Integrity Watch Afghanistan (IWA) with the support o
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f UNESCO. The study aims to understand the current media landscape in the country particularly the creation and distribution of educational content. It has the objective of assessing the current context of consumption of educational content published on different media platforms, with a special focus on their accessibility and relevance for the communities, mapping the broadcast and digital learning environment within the country and of evaluating the needs of the communities. Aligned with UNESCO’s mission to promote freedom of expression and education, this research investigates the potential of media to provide alternative opportunities and tools for learning. The resulting report “Media Mapping on Educational Content Production and Dissemination in Afghanistan” provides narratives and perspectives of those working in the media sector, including media managers, who are working under very challenging conditions. It reflects the communities’ experiences, including those of girls - who face significant barriers and restrictions in accessing traditional educational opportunities. The report provides valuable insights into the opportunities and obstacles for Media-Based education within the Afghan media sphere. The detailed findings aim to guide stakeholders and present actionable insights that seek to enhance the work of the media sector in facilitating access to education in the current environment of Afghanistan." (Back cover)
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"This case study describes a successful nutrition social marketing program in Afghanistan. By building up the domestic soy industry and supply chain, while creating consumer demand for high-protein soy products to combat malnutrition, the Nosh-e-Jaan campaign rebalanced the market dynamics for this
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relatively unknown locally grown crop. The campaign included technical assistance to the soy industry and retailers, a consumer media campaign, and community outreach via influencers, government agencies, and events. Outcomes included increases in awareness of soy, purchase of soy products, and knowledge about protein. This project provides critical lessons for those planning social marketing programs in similar settings." (Abstract)
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"Before the Taliban‘s return in 2021, Afghanistan had made notable strides in promoting transparency and civic engagement through progressive laws governing information access. These landmark measures, praised internationally, represented small but significant steps toward strengthening the countr
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y’s nascent democracy. However, with the Taliban in power, these gains were swiftly dismantled, leading to a dramatic erosion of the free exchange of information and a gradual silencing of voices within the country.
This policy paper examines the profound consequences of the Taliban’s assault on the right to information, emphasizing the erosion of established norms and their replacement with arbitrary decrees. The measures in these decrees to control the media and restrict access to information are systematic and targeted. Actions such as banning demonstrations, implementing strict guidelines for journalists, censoring foreign media, and suppressing criticism serve to manipulate public perception. These measures ensure that only information aligning with the Taliban‘s agenda is disseminated. The Taliban‘s violations constitute a flagrant breach of fundamental international legal standards, including the right to life and freedom from torture. Their actions not only infringe upon these essential human rights but also disrupt humanitarian aid efforts for Afghanistan and undermine the international rules-based order. The lack of information about the Taliban’s engagement with terrorist organizations leaves the global community in the dark.
To address this crisis, the international community must isolate the Taliban and seek justice for their crimes against vulnerable populations in Afghanistan. Strengthening global and exile media is crucial for documenting and exposing these violations. The paper further recommends intensifying pressure on the Taliban to compel a reduction in their draconian measures and to restore some measures of information freedom." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Organisation-centric approaches in development communication and public relations that privilege the organisation can restrict communication to organisational mandates and goals. Organisation-centric approaches can reflect a modernist view of development or communication and have been critiqued for
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favouring technocratic development rather than serving marginalised groups. Currently, scholars in development communication and public relations place greater emphasis on publics or community participation and the processual nature of communication to overcome adverse organisational influence and propose better solutions. This article recognises theoretical advances in development communication and public relations and adopts the Collaborative Communication Approach, integrating current concepts from these two fields. The Collaborative Communication Approach facilitates an examination of communication in development in relation to five elements of power, context, participation, agency, and profession. This article shows how the five elements prove useful in addressing communication challenges in development through primary research and offers eight distinct categories to advance practice." (Abstract)
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"Journalists have often been considered the "fourth emergency service". They are first on the scene, alongside paramedics, fi re and police, running towards danger rather than away, and providing independent, veritable and crucial information in the public interest. And yet, unlike frontline workers
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, little (if any) counselling or training is offered to journalists on how to deal with the horrors they witness, and the trauma they absorb from being at the forefront of human suffering. Further, limited to no training is given to student journalists on how to prepare themselves for trauma, be it from war scenes to the everyday "death knock". New research is demonstrating a rise in post-traumatic stress disorder amongst journalists resulting from the "everyday" trauma they encounter. There is also a noticeable increase in reluctance from new journalists to undertake emotionally distressing assignments. Editors in industry are now calling for educators to invest in curricula that centre around understanding how to cope with distress and trauma, and why work like this is vital to facilitate the work journalists do hold power to account. This book investigates the cause and effect of trauma reporting on the journalist themselves and provides a toolkit for training journalists and practitioners to build resilience and prepare themselves for trauma. It draws on national and international experiences enabling readers to gain valuable insight into a range of contemporary issues and the contexts in which they may work. This edited book offers a blend of academic research studies, evidence-based practitioner interviews, and teaching resources drawing on the experiences of journalists and academics nationally and internationally." (Abstract)
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"Afghanistan als Ganzes wurde von mehreren sich gegenseitig bedingenden Phänomenen geprägt: Einerseits gab es sozialen Wandel und Demokratisierung, andererseits führte die starke Liberalisierung des Medienmarktes zu einer fragmentierten ethnischen Gruppenöffentlichkeit, die die Fragilität der s
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taatlichen Strukturen verstärkte. Einer der Anreize für den starken Medienboom und die Medienentwicklung in Afghanistan 2001–2021 war die Liberalisierungsstrategie nach dem Vorbild der Vereinigten Staaten. Aufgrund ihrer finanziellen Ressourcen und starken Investitionen im Medienbereich haben die US-Amerikaner ihr eigenes, sehr liberales Modell des Mediensystems auch in Afghanistan umgesetzt. Erstmals war es rechtlich möglich, dass jede Person, Organisation oder Partei ein eigenes Medium gründen konnte, sodass fast alle ethnischen und politischen Gruppen über eigene Medienangebote verfügten, teilweise sogar mehrfach. Insbesondere ehemalige Warlords drängten in den Mediensektor und investierten in eigene Medien. Die Liberalisierung des Mediensystems führte so zu einer starken Polarisierung und nicht zu Wachstum im Bereich professioneller Medienstrukturen. Der Anteil an professionellen Medienangeboten und -formaten blieb bis zum Ende der betrachteten Periode bis 2021 hin sehr gering. Der Mangel an (verstärkten) Professionalisierungsversuchen war vor allem darauf zurückzuführen, dass einige professionelle Medienformate klein blieben und hauptsächlich passive Berichterstattung betrieben wurde. Anstatt vor Ort zu recherchieren oder aktiv zu berichten, konzentrierten sich diese Formate darauf, Ereignisse im ganzen Land vor allem aus den großen Städten vom Studio aus zu kommentieren. Die Berichterstattung war oft polarisierend und sensationsheischend, mit dem Ziel, eine möglichst große Zuschauerschaft anzusprechen." (Seite 202-203)
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"This study content analyzed visual frames of Afghan refugees during the first six months of the Taliban’s second regime (from August 15, 2021, to February 15, 2022). A total of N = 1,948 images from the Associated Press were quantitatively analyzed for focal point, topic, tone, depiction, gender,
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and age. The findings indicate that Afghan refugees were predominantly the primary focal points of the AP images, with significantly more positive and active frames than negative and passive frames. In contrast to previous research on the framing of Afghan women in Western media before the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, Afghan women were framed significantly as more positive and active than Afghan men in the photos." (Abstract)
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