"This study delves into the intricate realm of gender and artificial intelligence (AI) through an examination of DALL-E 2-generated images within the Indian context. It takes a methodological approach that focuses on assessing images generated in response to prompts such as ‘a farmer cultivating c
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rops in rural Punjab’ to reveal the dynamics of gender performativity within professions. The generated images were thematically analysed using dress as a phenomenon to visualise Indian man, Indian woman and ambiguous Indian. The study concludes that DALL-E 2 reinforces the binary gender norms, leaving no space for ambiguous Indian in its responses. Although the generated image is centred on female professions, it is frequently employed in ‘male’ surroundings. Hindu religious symbols are largely used among male professionals to denote religious and gender predominance. A brown complexion reflects demographics regardless of gender, while female professionals tend to undergo a process of aesthetic enhancement, suggesting societal beauty standards." (Abstract)
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"During the survey period of 2019-2021, the Indian media economy grew by 21% to reach gross revenues of $US 66.52bn (excluding publishing). The overall pattern of growth was unevenly distributed across four component divisions: telecoms and internet infrastructure with growth of 23% (2021 revenues o
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f US$ 49.22bn), core internet services (including online advertising) with growth of 122% (2021 revenues of US$ 3.38bn), audiovisual media content (traditional and online) with growth of 22.5% (2021 revenues of US$ 12.38bn), and newspapers, with a 32% decline in revenues (2021 revenues of US$ 1.54bn for the ten leading firms). Within each of these divisions, there are disparities in revenue growth across sub-sectors, trending in favour of mobile digital formats. One consequence of these developments is a marked increase in the concentration of media infrastructure and distribution businesses, and another is an increase of crossownership across previously distinct areas of media content. Trends towards monopoly and complex interactions between national and international interests in the media economy are mapped out in this report across different levels of the media stack. The survey period of this particular report also serves to illustrate the significant challenges faced across the Indian media economy during the height of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Capturing both this period of crisis and underlying trends in the transformation of the media economy in India, this report also seeks to begin addressing the lack of systematic data driven accounts of developments in Indian media markets." (Executive summary)
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"This study investigates the experiences of journalists during COVID-19 pandemic from Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) through a series of focus group discussions (FGDs). The research aims to develop strategies for enhancing journalists' capabilities and well-being in anticipat
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ion of future pandemics. The FGDs involved seasoned journalists from central press clubs in all regions, who provided insights into the challenges they faced and the strategies they adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Thematic analysis, conducted using NVivo software, revealed eight key themes related to the pandemic's impact on journalism. These themes informed a set of consolidated recommendations designed to improve journalists' safety, mental health, and access to information. The recommendations also emphasize strengthening legal protections, creating capacity-building opportunities, fostering networking and collaboration, and implementing specialized health reporting training. By addressing these recommendations, the study proposes a framework to bolster journalists' resilience and effectiveness in navigating future crises." (Abstract)
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"Die beschriebene Quellenlage stellt auch für die Länderanalyse eine Herausforderung dar. Afghanische Medien geben einen guten Überblick darüber, wie die Taliban sich präsentieren möchten. Auch neue Verordnungen und Erlasse der Zentralregierung sind so nachvollziehbar. Dies gilt jedoch nicht f
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ür die Situation in den Provinzen, aus denen es nur sporadische Berichte gibt. Afghanische Medien mit Sitz im Ausland geben auch vereinzelte Einblicke in Vorfälle von Gewalt und Verfolgung. Manchmal können internationale Medien zusätzliche Informationen liefern. Soziale Medien liefern Hinweise auf Protestbewegungen und selten auch Informationen zu Verfolgung und bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen. Diese Informationen werden auf Grund der fehlenden Möglichkeit zur Verifizierung jedoch nur genutzt, wenn sie nach der Einordnung in die allgemeine Lage plausibel erscheinen. Insgesamt findet ein regelmäßiger Abgleich mit Berichten von internationalen Organisationen und deren Einschätzungen der Situation in Afghanistan statt. Nichtsdestotrotz ist die Informationslage zu allen oben genannten „unerwünschten Themen“ unverändert als sehr schlecht einzuschätzen." (Fazit, Seite 6)
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"In this article, we reveal how students in low-income communities in India use and ascribe meaning to dominant proprietary EdTech platforms and conferencing tools through family ethnographies. We explore how these platforms and associated online learning tools influence existing educational practic
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es and lead to the emergence of new forms of learning. Proprietary platforms are situated at the intersection of neoliberal-capitalist forces and welfare policies of public schooling and share a productive association with students’ everyday lives, identities, and cultural realities. Understanding the performative effects of these platforms requires that we examine them as part of broader sociotechnical assemblages. We argue that EdTech platforms should not be built simply on principles of standardization and scalability. EdTech platforms are designed to standardize education and make the model scalable, thus undermining students’ social relationships and placebased learning needs. Such a design and approach have an associated gender and class cost." (Abstract)
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"Should the media stand by refugees or maintain deliberate ‘neutrality’? Should the media dehumanize the refugees further in their humanitarian conditions? Are the media entitled to publish photographs of refugees without informed consent? Should the media stand by the state being responsible fo
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r generating refugee crisis or should the state be accountable for rendering its people refugees? What effective roles can media play in redressing the refugee ‘crisis’ in the world? The book brings together scholars across disciplines and continents who reflect on the nexus between media and refugees in contexts around the world." (Publisher description)
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"The existing literature on Internet governance offers important insights on the relationship between state and society in China and the West. It is important to explore this relationship in the developing world. This study focuses on Pakistan, exploring the role of relevant legal frameworks, politi
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cal authorities, and institutional structures in relation to monitoring and regulating telephone traffic, legal compliance, and consumer interests. By focusing on the interplay between political dynamics, international partnerships, and evolving digital landscapes, this study examines the evolution of Internet governance model in Pakistan. While Pakistan appears on a trajectory to digital authoritarianism, its journey is hampered by structural limitations, resistance from democratic forces, concerns about data protection and privacy, pushback from the judiciary, and the emergence of a vigilant civil society. Challenges in establishing a coherent authoritarian model of Internet governance have resulted in an ad hoc approach. This study offers a nuanced understanding of multifaceted factors influencing Internet governance in a developing country." (Abstract)
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"Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK
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(N=4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people’s awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation." (Abstract)
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"Affective polarization has been a persistent feature of Afghanistan’s society and politics in the past decades. However, with the instantaneous collapse of the republic’s government and the return of the Taliban, the country has witnessed heightened affective polarization along ethnic and ideol
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ogical lines. Stemming from deep-rooted historical grievances, aggregated conflicts, and over a century of failed struggles for statebuilding and nation-building in Afghanistan, the surge in affective polarization is intricately linked with the elite’s behaviour and social media use. Outbidding strategies by elites result in more extreme positions. Coupled with the dissemination of hate and harmful messages, and divisive online content, this attracts wider attention and social support against a background of dwindling inter-group trust, state failure, and uncertainty over the political prospects. This article attempts to conceptualize the complex causal relations of affective polarization, elite behaviour, and social media platforms in Afghanistan’s fragmented social and political landscape." (Abstract)
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"This handbook critically analyzes cross-border news production and "transnational journalism cultures" in the evolving field of cross-border journalism. As the era of the internet hasfurther expanded the border-transcending production, dissemination and reception of news, and with transnational co-
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operations like the European Broadcasting Union and BBC World News demonstrating different kinds of cross-border journalism, the handbook considers the field with a range of international contributions. It explores cross-border journalism from conceptual and empirical angles and includes perspectives on the the systemic contexts of cross-border journalism, its structures and routines, changes in production processes, and the shifting roles of actors in digital environments. It examines cross-border journalism across regions and concludes with discussions on the future of cross-border journalism, including the influence of automation, algorithmisation, virtual reality and AI." (Publisher description)
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"This study discusses the relationship among the various dimensions of populism, hate speech, and disinformation within the political discourse on X (formerly Twitter) in India and Pakistan. Employing manual content analysis, we examined 7,141 posts from both populist and non-populist political lead
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ers in both countries. Our findings reveal a significant correlation among these three challenging concepts, indicating that posts exhibiting higher levels of populism also tend to score higher on both hate speech and disinformation. Although certain aspects of populism, such as a pro-people and anti-elite approach, are not inherently harmful, our study emphasizes that Manicheanism is a problematic concept in political discourses because of its close association with hate speech and disinformation." (Abstract)
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"While most adult Afghans have access to some form of media platform, only around one in three have access to internet, with less than half of mobile users owning a smartphone. Men exhibit higher usage of radio and internet compared to women (52% male vs 43% female for radio and 36% vs 29% for inter
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net). Use of TV, however, is nearly identical among men and women. Men predominantly use media in the evenings between 7 to 10 pm, while women use media during the day, with an increase in women’s TV usage during daylight hours compared to findings from our previous survey (March 2021). With increased limitations on women’s movement, work and education; media and the internet have become essential lifelines for women, serving as their main source of news and information." (Key findings, page 2)
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"This study analyses the Indian and Pakistani publics reactions of the extensive coverage of the Pulwama terror attack, through an analysis of the online comments appearing at the end of the news stories covering the attack from the two leading English newspapers: Times of India (TOI) (India), and D
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awn (D) (Pakistan). A qualitative content analysis is performed to compare and examine this dialogue emerging in the news comments sections. Findings are explored and discussed through conceptualizations of religion, nationalism, and a social psychological perspective towards exclusion of out-groups." (Abstract)
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"In India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) employs a digital army of right-wing supporters to harass journalists who are critical of the party's Hindu-nationalist ideology. As a result, the country's press freedom rankings have significantly declined over the past decade. While scholars have
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examined the discursive strategies used by online Hindu nationalists against journalists, how reporters cope with these attacks remains unknown. This study investigates how Indian media professionals perceive the personal and professional consequences of harassment for themselves and the coping strategies they use to combat digital hate. In-depth interviews with 24 journalists reveal that they employ mechanisms such as strategic social disconnection, formation of alliance networks, and working for non-profit news sites and international media organizations to overcome the effects of social media harassment. The analysis also highlights that commercial media that are subservient to the Modi government failed to protect their reporters, while independent media outlets provide much more support to their employees. The findings underscore the need for social media companies to promptly respond to content flagged by journalists and allocate additional resources to moderate hate speech in India's local languages to safeguard journalists from sustained online abuse." (Abstract)
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"This scholarly work discusses the historical, contemporary, and prospective dimensions of environmental activism and its intersection with global media. It provides a comprehensive view of the pivotal role played by the media in shaping awareness concerning environmental challenges and catalyzing a
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ctions to address them. Drawing upon the insights of an interdisciplinary cohort of scholars, the book systematically examines the diverse aspects of the nexus between media and environmental activism. Chapter contributions establish the foundational framework for comprehending how media as a whole lend support to activism; delineate the historical trajectory of environmental activism; the construction of narratives within the political, economic, and social domains of society; scrutinize the function of mass media within the context of globalization, digitization, and social media; and elucidate how governance structures influence the environmental activism process." (Publisher description)
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