"Seit August 2015 ist der Fernsehsender Spas des Moskauer Patriarchats in fast allen Haushalten Russlands zu empfangen. Seine bewegte Vorgeschichte, Gerüchte über Verbindungen zu US-amerikanischen konservativen Kreisen sowie ein neues Nachrichtenprogramm legen enge Verbindungen mit dem "orthodoxen
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Oligarch" Konstantin Malofeev und seinem Internet-Fernsehkanal Zargrad-TV nahe, den eine tendenziöse Berichterstattung über die Ostukraine und eine neoimperiale eurasische Ideologie auszeichnen." (Seite 11)
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"The article discusses the relationship of young engaged Catholics in Slovakia to the various media outlets which they follow. It attempts to reveal which media outlets are considered to be inspiring and thought-provoking and how are they perceived and evaluated by their followers. The author draws
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from extensive research into the interpretation of Church news and current affairs within the community of young engaged Catholics; therefore, the findings related to media reception presented herein also include demographical and personality characteristics for individual audiences. The findings are also presented within the context of three specific Church-related news stories: the contentious removal of Róbert Bezák from his position as Archbishop of Trnava, the financial separation of the Church and state, and clerical celibacy. The underlying research was conducted using combined questionnaires, both quantitative and qualitative, on a sample of 339 suitable respondents. The research reveals that the most inspiring Slovak media outlet according to the young engaged Catholics is the secular weekly týžden, followed by the Catholic television channel Lux. The research has revealed a significant discrepancy between the opinions of the audiences of secular media and the audiences of official Church media: while the former are very critical of Church media, the latter seem to be more reluctant to turn to secular media." (Abstract)
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"Video games have become a global industry, and their history spans dozens of national industries where foreign imports compete with domestic productions, legitimate industry contends with piracy, and national identity faces the global marketplace. This volume describes video game history and cultur
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e across every continent, with essays covering areas as disparate and far-flung as Argentina and Thailand, Hungary and Indonesia, Iran and Ireland. Most of the essays are written by natives of the countries they discuss, many of them game designers and founders of game companies, offering distinctively firsthand perspectives. Some of these national histories appear for the first time in English, and some for the first time in any language." (Back cover)
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"Das Fazit der Beiträge in diesem Heft bringt Snežana Milivojevic nüchtern auf den Punkt: „Der Glaube, dass ein freier Markt gleichbedeutend mit freien Medien ist, hat sich in den Transformationsländern als Illusion erwiesen.“ Die größte Gefahr für unabhängigen Journalismus liegt dort ni
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cht vor allem darin – wie es derzeit laut Olga Tokariuk in der Ukraine der Fall ist –, Gewalt, Entführung und Morddrohungen ausgesetzt zu sein, sondern vor allem in der Abhängigkeit von Finanzquellen: Zwar entsprechen die gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen für Medien mittlerweile internationalen Standards, doch als viel schädlicher, so schreibt Sanela Hodžic im Fall Bosnien-Herzegowinas, gilt der Zugriff geschäftlicher Netzwerke und politischer Interessengruppen auf die Medien. Besonders deutlich wird das auch in den Beiträgen zu Bulgarien, Serbien, Albanien und Ungarn. Zudem stellen Péter Techet in Ungarn wie auch Remzi Lani in Albanien fest, dass Journalisten meist schreiben können, was sie wollen, aber niemand darauf regiert: „Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber Kritik führt zur Abwertung des freien Wortes.“ Deshalb warnt auch Christian Mihr von „Reporter ohne Grenzen“: „Freiheit, um die nicht gerungen wird, stirbt.“ Es gibt aber auch Lichtblicke: In der Ukraine legen mehrere unabhängige Sender Wert auf professionellen Journalismus und finanzieren sich durch Crowdfunding. Die Slowakei findet sich auf der Rangliste von „Reporter ohne Grenzen“ auf Platz 14 (Deutschland steht auf Platz 12, die Schweiz auf Platz 20). Nicht zuletzt zeugen auch die Autoren und Autorinnen dieser Ausgabe von den bestehenden Oasen für qualitätsbewussten Journalismus in Osteuropa." (Editorial)
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"This short booklet aims to provide some pointers and practical advice on how to stay safe while getting closer to the heart of what is going on. It is not an exhaustive guide to reporting conflict but a short introduction to some of the challenges reporters face in a bitterly divided area. Expect t
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o meet some hostility, particularly from civilians caught in the middle of the conflict, and look out for obvious examples of bias, misinformation or blatant propaganda." (Page 3)
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"The rapid development of the information society has accentuated the importance of digital divides, which refer to economic and social inequalities among populations due to differences in access to, use of, or knowledge of information and communication technologies (ICT). This book discusses the cu
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rrent state of digital divides, ranging from global." (Publisher description)
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"The contributors explore diverse contexts of performance to discuss peoples' own reflections on political subjectivities, governance and development. The volume refocuses anthropological engagement with ethics, aesthetics, and politics to examine the transformative potential of political performanc
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e." (Publisher description)
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"Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der Situation des Medienrechtes in Polen, 25 Jahre nach dem Ende der kommunistischen Herrschaft."
"Das Radio galt in Russland lange als Biotop – ein Rückzugsraum für professionellen Journalismus. Die Berichterstattung über den Krieg in der „Volksrepublik Donec’k“ offenbart jedoch das Gegenteil. Manche Radiosender begreifen sich als Verlautbarungsorgane der Aufständischen, Moderatoren
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wirken als Agitatoren. Sie gehören zur neosowjetischen Generation der 20- bis 30-Jährigen. Das ist die Generation Putin. Doch am Mikrofon sind sie längst keine Putinisten mehr, sondern viel radikalere Revanchisten vom Schlage Girkins." (Abstract)
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"Fuelled by the Arab Spring, the question of how the rise of internet-mediated communication affects authoritarian regimes has received unprecedented attention within the discipline of communications. However, in this debate, scholars have not yet turned to the concept of literacy and addressed the
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role of citizens' knowledge about political media in any greater depth. This is surprising since the concept of literacy as 'emancipatory knowledge', in Sonia Livingstone's words, has a 'long and proud history' of being linked with processes of enlightenment, political empowerment and democratization. The present study contributes to filling this gap by suggesting four highly consequential facets of critical news literacy in contemporary Russia, a high-profile hybrid regime. The conceptual development is grounded in western literature and 20 in-depth interviews with young, urban and educated Russians." (Abstract)
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"Key recommendations: Invest in increased nationwide coverage of environmental issues and media professionalism across all media platforms [...] Conduct more targeted, specialised training on effective environmental reporting [...] Build on dynamism of online information initiatives [...] Begin educ
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ation on the environment in schools early." (Page 5)
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"This paper is the first attempt to look at the problem of community media in Central and Eastern Europe in general and present the specific problems of community media development in this region from an Eastern perspective. According to the Mapping Project of Community Media completed by the Commun
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ity Media Forum Europe in 2012, the community media sector is legally recognized in only four countries from this region." (Abstract)
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"Russians are keen news consumers. Most (79.0%) access some type of news at least daily, and nearly all (95.4%) do this at least weekly. Nearly all Russians (95.5%) are turning to television – which continues to dominate the media market in 2013 – for their news each week. However, as more Russi
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ans get Internet access – seven in 10 have access at home in 2013 – more of them are getting their news online. A majority of Russians (56.4%) now say they get their news from the Internet at least once a week, up slightly from 50.4% in 2012. The Internet outdistances traditional media such as newspapers and magazines (49.8%) and radio (43.8%) as sources for weekly news. Still, more Russians are getting their weekly news fix from a less technological source – word of mouth. More than seven in 10 say they get their news each week from family members and friends. Young Russians between the ages of 15 and 24 rely on new media for their news more than any other age group. Nine in 10 Russians aged 15 to 24 (90.0%) say they go online for news at least once a week, versus about three in four of those aged 25 to 44 (75.6%) and 30.4% of those aged 45 and older. Young Russians are also far more likely than their older counterparts to say they get news from social networking services (62.3%), SMS/text messages (52.0%), and from mobile apps (34.4%) that frequently." (Page 1)
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"The election protests in Moscow in December 2011 signified an important moment for Russian society. Political dissent, historically reserved for the private domain of Soviet kitchens and in recent years to the regulation-free space of the Russian Internet (RuNet), entered the public space of Moscow
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streets. Just like the protests revealed the long-held tension between the political discussion (and action) in Russian public and private spheres, the coverage of the protests by different media brought to light similar struggles in Russian journalism. This project combines the textual analysis of the protests' coverage by two progovernment and two oppositional media with the analysis of their connections to the RuNet-a space that played an important role in the protests' organization and coordination. The project aims to gain a deeper understanding of the role RuNet-a private space that increasingly becomes more public-plays in the development of Russian journalism." (Abstract)
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"Through a paired comparison of two moments of mass mobilization, in Ukraine and Argentina, focusing on the role of different actors involved, this text maps out a multi-layered sequence of events leading up to mass mobilization." (Publisher description)
"Russia still aspires to influence the news media in the former Soviet republics. The objective appears to be to manipulate their media environments in order to promote dependence on Russia and distrust of the West and to help Russia to pursue its political and commercial objectives–such as persua
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ding former Soviet republics to adhere to the Eurasian Customs Union or promoting opposition to the United States and NATO. The push by Russia to influence the media among its near neighbors not only marks an important thrust of Russian foreign policy, it also poses a major challenge to the international media development community." (CIMA website)
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"Russland versucht seit Jahren, sein Image zu verbessern. Für dieses Ziel werden Auslandsmedien ausgebaut und PR-Firmen beauftragt. Aber es fehlt eine Gesamtstrategie und das Grundverständnis, wie demokratische Öffentlichkeit funktioniert. Trotz teilweiser Erfolge wird Moskau ohne einen politisch
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en Wandel und gesellschaftliche Modernisierung in Russland nicht viel erreichen. Das zeigt auch der Blick auf einige der Akteure staatlicher Imagepolitik in Deutschland." (Abstract)
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