"Die vorliegende Studie untersucht die Entwicklungen der Diasporagemeinschaften aus Osteuropa, die in Deutschland und seinen östlichen EU-Nachbarländern seit 2020 an Größe und Bedeutung gewinnen – bedingt durch politische Krisen und Repressionen im autokratisch regierten Belarus und Russland u
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nd den Krieg in der Ukraine. Die Studie beschreibt Herausforderungen, Bedürfnisse und Potenziale dieser Gemeinschaften und fragt, inwiefern emigrierte bzw. im Exil lebende Kulturtätige als „Brückenbauer:innen“ den kulturellen Austausch in Zeiten von Konflikten und schrumpfenden Handlungsräumen (shrinking spaces) unterstützen und die interkulturelle Verständigung nachhaltig fördern können. Analysiert werden sowohl gruppenbezogene Rahmenbedingungen und Formen der deutsch-belarussischen, deutsch-russischen und deutsch-ukrainischen kulturellen Zusammenarbeit als auch länder- wie gruppenübergreifende Strategien und Projekte, die die einzelnen Diaspora-Vertreter:innen in Verbindung bringen (können) und dialogfähig sind. Das Hauptaugenmerk liegt dabei auf (1) der Einbindung der osteuropäischen Kulturtätigen in den deutschen Kulturbetrieb, (2) möglichen internationalen Kooperationen auf EU-Ebene und (3) dem Erhalt zivilgesellschaftlicher Räume in Herkunftsregionen und im Exil." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Fictional TV politics played a pivotal role in the popular imaginaries of the 2010s across cultures. Examining this curious phenomenon, Sebastian Naumann provides a wide-ranging analysis of the rapidly evolving landscape of contemporary polit-series. Proposing a novel structural model of serial tel
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evision, he offers an innovative methodological framework for comparative textual analysis that integrates sociocultural, economic, sociotechnical, narratological, and aesthetic perspectives. This study furthermore explores how the changing affordances of (nonlinear) television impact serial storytelling and identifies key narrative trends and recurring themes in contemporary TV polit-fiction." (Publisher description)
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"Extant research on migrants’ media use and trust has delivered mixed evidence on whether, and in which ways, migrants stay loyal to their homeland news media and/or develop trust in host-society media, particularly when the narratives of the two types of media clash. To advance this strand of res
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earch, this study scrutinizes how an audience group with migration background, who lived the first part of their lives under authoritarian rule but then relocated to a democracy, negotiates trust in their multilingual, transnational news environments. Specifically, we conducted semistructured interviews with forty-two Russian-speaking first-generation migrants living in Germany in 2021. As we find, distinct understandings of the concept of “truth” played a pivotal role in how our participants negotiated trust in their transnational news environments. We distinguish broadly two understandings of “truth”: (1) “truth” as a category grounded in factual evidence and (2) “truth” as a nonevidence based category grounded in values, emotions, or identities. Illustrative for the second understanding, some participants felt a strong moral obligation to believe Kremlin-sponsored media as they perceived these organizations as representing their homeland, independently of whether their news coverage was factually accurate or not. The two understandings of “truth” also affected how and where participants sought for what they considered the “truth.” In the “Discussion” section, we argue that particularly the non-evidence-based truth-understandings formulated by our participants, and the ensuing truth-seeking strategies are conducive to the reach and persuasive impact of Kremlin-sponsored content among Russian speakers living abroad." (Abstract)
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"This study discusses the use of TikTok during the war that began with the Russian attack on Ukraine in February 2022. TikTok has been the fastest growing social media channel and is known for its young user base. Although associated with lifestyle and light entertainment, it also become an importan
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t arena in the war. Young people abroad used TikTok to obtain information about the conflict and to comment on or share it. This article presents a case study of five young Ukrainian women who captured the attention and sympathy of international audiences via TikTok. The authors study how the women succeeded as influencers and the variety of roles they took on in their performances. For the latter, they suggest a classification scheme for war influencer roles. In addition, they analyse data on the reactions from their audiences, as they appeared in the comments field. In a longer discussion section, the article goes deeper into the gender dimension of war and social media, as well as the possibilities of cosmopolitanism or affective publics. Finally, the authors suggest directions for future research." (Abstract)
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"• Engagement with traditional media sources such as TV, print, and news websites continues to fall, while dependence on social media, video platforms, and online aggregators grows. This is particularly the case in the United States where polling overlapped with the first few weeks of the new Trum
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p administration. Social media news use was sharply up (+6pp) but there was no ‘Trump bump’ for traditional sources.
• Personalities and influencers are, in some countries, playing a significant role in shaping public debates. One-fifth (22%) of our United States sample says they came across news or commentary from popular podcaster Joe Rogan in the week after the inauguration, including a disproportionate number of young men. In France, young news creator Hugo Travers (HugoDécrypte) reaches 22% of under-35s with content distributed mainly via YouTube and TikTok. Young influencers also play a significant role in many Asian countries, including Thailand.
• News use across online platforms continues to fragment, with six online networks now reaching more than 10% weekly with news content, compared with just two a decade ago. Around a third of our global sample use Facebook (36%) and YouTube (30%) for news each week. Instagram (19%) and WhatsApp (19%) are used by around a fifth, while TikTok (16%) remains ahead of X at 12%.
• Data show that usage of X for news is stable or increasing across many markets, with the biggest uplift in the United States (+8pp), Australia (+6pp), and Poland (+6pp). Since Elon Musk took over the network in 2022 many more right-leaning people, notably young men, have flocked to the network, while some progressive audiences have left or are using it less frequently. Rival networks like Threads, Bluesky, and Mastodon are making little impact globally, with reach of 2% or less for news.
• Changing platform strategies mean that video continues to grow in importance as a source of news. Across all markets the proportion consuming social video has grown from 52% in 2020 to 65% in 2025 and any video from 67% to 75%. In the Philippines, Thailand, Kenya, and India more people now say they prefer to watch the news rather than read it, further encouraging the shift to personality-led news creators.
• Our survey also shows the importance of news podcasting in reaching younger, better-educated audiences. The United States has among the highest proportion (15%) accessing one or more podcasts in the last week, with many of these now filmed and distributed via video platforms such as YouTube and TikTok. By contrast, many northern European podcast markets remain dominated by public broadcasters or big legacy media companies and have been slower to adopt video versions.
• TikTok is the fastest growing social and video network, adding a further 4pp across markets for news and reaching 49% of our online sample in Thailand (+10pp) and 40% in Malaysia (+9pp). But at the same time people in those markets see the network as one of the biggest threats when it comes to false or misleading information, along with Facebook.
• Overall, over half our sample (58%) say they remain concerned about their ability to tell what is true from what is false when it comes to news online, a similar proportion to last year. Concern is highest in Africa (73%) and the United States (73%), with lowest levels in Western Europe (46%).
• When it comes to underlying sources of false or misleading information, online influencers and personalities are seen as the biggest threat worldwide (47%), along with national politicians (47%). Concern about influencers is highest in African countries such as Nigeria (58%) and Kenya (59%), while politicians are considered the biggest threat in the United States (57%), Spain (57%), and much of Eastern Europe." (Executive summary, page 10-11)
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"This publication offers a comprehensive overview of digital development in the CIS region. The data reveal a region where nine in ten people are online—well above the global average—and where mobile broadband networks now cover virtually the entire population. These are important milestones. At
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the same time, disparities remain between countries and communities. Fixed broadband is still out of reach for many, ICT regulation is uneven, and digital skills remain limited in key areas. Seven of the nine CIS countries are landlocked, which presents unique challenges for international connectivity, infrastructure deployment, and access to global Internet infrastructure. These constraints make regional collaboration particularly important—not only for physical infrastructure development but also for the harmonization of policies and regulatory frameworks. The second part of this report features case studies that illustrate how digital initiatives are making a tangible impact across the region. From expanding rural broadband access to enhancing youth entrepreneurship and strengthening cybersecurity readiness, these stories highlight the diversity of challenges—and the creativity of responses—emerging across the CIS." (Foreword)
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"The study examines Global Times’ strategic narratives on the Russia-Ukraine War (2022–2024) by analysing 301 articles through issue, identity and systemic frameworks. It reveals China’s framing of the conflict as a US-Russia proxy war, positioning itself as a neutral mediator advocating multi
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lateral dialogue while critiquing Western hegemony. The narratives portray Russia as a rational actor defending sovereignty, Ukraine as weakened yet reckless, and Europe-EU as internally fractured. Systemically, China projects a multipolar vision, blending realist power dynamics with idealist peace-building. The findings underscore China’s media diplomacy in contesting Western discourse and advancing its global governance agenda." (Abstract)
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"This joint report from OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) analyzes the activity of a network of 3,634 automated accounts that posted pro-Russian comments on Telegram channels between January 2024 and April 2025 targeting Ukrainian populations inside Russian-occupied territorie
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s. These accounts crafted tailored messages to target the occupied territories, differentiating their content from that aimed at other audiences across Russia and Ukraine. Our investigation found that automated Telegram comments targeting local audiences in Ukraine fell into three overarching categories: pro-Russian propaganda, anti-Ukrainian propaganda, and abstract anti-war messaging and calls for peaceful coexistence. Individual narratives were often tailored to respond to current events and changes in local conditions, such as power or water outages, but there was also evidence of proactive narratives initiated by the network unrelated to external events.
The bot network used similar messaging when targeting channels based in Russia; however, a significantly larger share of comments targeting the occupied territory channels emphasized positive portrayals of Russian culture and government. Across the sixty-nine narrative themes identified (see appendix), the bot network pushed essentially the same menu of talking points in both Russia-wide and occupied territory channels. What differentiates the content aimed at the occupied territories from that aimed at a wider Russian audience is the proportion of talking points: themes that praised Russian culture, social services, and governance dominated in occupied territory-based channels, accounting for a markedly higher share of content than in Russia-based channels. The pattern points to an effort to cultivate the appearance of local consensus in favor of occupation and Russian administrative control, but not necessarily to create genuine agreement." (Executive summary)
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"Previous research on political communication on Russia’s most popular social network VK has concluded that most users avoid news by not following legacy-news accounts. In this study, we expand the universe of scrutinized accounts with the mostfollowed non-legacy-news accounts (>100,000 followers)
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that regularly publish what we theorize to be ‘explicitly political content’ (EPC; N = 355). We delineate a typology of six types of EPC accounts, calculate their aggregate follower counts, and determine how many of them were still (1) accessible from Russia and (2) publishing Kremlin-critical content in October 2022. Our findings indicate that non-critical accounts attracted 26 times more followers than Kremlin-critical accounts. Entertainmentfocused EPC accounts had seven times more followers than legacy-news accounts. As a result, they became the primary means through which non-critical EPC reached news-avoidant mass audiences. We identify three dimensions through which autocrats can interweave propaganda and entertainment and highlight promising research paths." (Abstract)
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"The portrayal of ethnic communities in the media can have a significant impact on the everyday life of these groups – both in a positive and negative way. Often, the dominant depictions in mainstream media are created without the community's involvement and are dominated by stereotypes. To deal w
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ith a lack of access to mainstream media channels or even to establish an own positive identity, a community can launch its own ethnic or minority media initiatives. However, as evidence from Hungary shows, there are situations in which those in power are interested in capturing successful ethnic media outlets to influence how members of the minority group make meaning of the world. This paper aims to elaborate on the dynamics of media capture in ethnic settings. Relying on interviews with representatives of post-transition Hungary's Romani media, the authors provide a field theory-based explanation, which they see as a fruitful new addition to the concept of media capture." (Abstract)
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"Lo studio presentato in questo lavoro può essere considerato come un contributo al campo della pastorale giovanile nell'Arcidiocesi di Ivano-Frankivsk, nel contesto della Chiesa Greco-Cattolica Ucraina (CGCU). Particolare attenzione è rivolta all'uso dei media digitali come strumento efficace di
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evangelizzazione. Sulla base dell'analisi dei documenti ecclesiastici, del contesto storico dello sviluppo della CGCU e delle sfide attuali per i giovani, sono state definite le direzioni strategiche dell'attività pastorale. Le piattaforme digitali sono ormai parte integrante della vita dei giovani e fungono sia da canali di socializzazione che da piattaforme di espressione personale. Per la Chiesa questo apre nuove opportunità di evangelizzazione, ma allo stesso tempo rende necessario un adattamento alle particolarità dell'ambiente digitale. L'analisi ha dimostrato che la Chiesa dovrebbe integrare un approccio multimediale nelle sue strategie pastorali. Creare contenuti di qualità che rispondano agli interessi e alle esigenze dei giovani può aiutare a comunicare meglio i valori del Vangelo. Tuttavia, ciò richiede una consapevolezza dei rischi potenziali dell'ambiente digitale, come la dipendenza, la superficialità della percezione e l'enfasi sulla soggettività. La Chiesa non deve solo essere rappresentata in tali contesti, ma anche formarne attivamente il contenuto." (Conclusioni, pagina 81)
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"In Media Compass: A Companion to International Media Landscapes, an international team of prominent scholars examines both long-term media systems and fluctuating trends in media usage around the world. Integrating country-specific summaries and cross-cutting studies of geopolitical regions, this i
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nterdisciplinary reference work describes key elements in the political, social, demographic, cultural, and economic conditions of media infrastructures and public communication. Enabling the mapping of media landscapes internationally, Media Compass contains up-to-date empirical surveys of individual countries and regions, as well as cross-country comparisons of particular areas of public communication. 45 entries, each guiding readers from a general summary to a more in-depth discussion of a country’s specific media landscape, address formative conditions and circumstances, historical background and development, current issues and challenges, and more." (Publisher description)
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"The Trump administration’s freeze on U.S. foreign aid will lead to a surge in Russian disinformation across Eastern Europe, experts warn, as independent media outlets across the region will be forced to shutter, leaving a vacuum of credible information in their wake. “Russian disinfo will have
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it easier, just like they have it easier every time they or their allies manage to weaken another one of the counter-disinformation activities,” explained Jakub Kalensky, deputy director of the Hybrid Influence community of interest at the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats. “The Russians have made it clear they consider civil society their enemy; every effort to defund civil society is helping the Kremlin." (Introduction)
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"Through the prism of the first comprehensive account of RT, the Kremlin's primary tool of foreign propaganda, Russia, Disinformation and the Liberal Order sheds new light on the provenance and nature of disinformation's threat to democracy. Interrogating the communications strategies pursued by aut
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horitarian states and grassroots populist movements, the book reveals the interlinked nature of today's global media-politics pathologies. Stephen Hutchings, Vera Tolz, Precious Chatterje-Doody, Rhys Crilley, and Marie Gillespie provide a systematic investigation into RT's history, institutional culture, and journalistic ethos; its activities across multiple languages and media platforms; its audience-targeting strategies and audiences' engagements with it; and its response to the war in Ukraine and associated bans on the network. The authors' analysis challenges commonplace notions of disinformation as something that Russia brings to the West, where passive publics are duped by the Kremlin's communications machine, and reveals the reciprocal processes through which Russia and disinformation infiltrate and challenge the liberal order. Russia, Disinformation and the Liberal Order provides provocative insights into the nature and extent of the challenge that Russia's propaganda operation poses to the West. The authors contend that the challenge will be met only if liberals reflect on liberalism's own internal tensions and blind spots and defend the values of open-minded impartiality." (Publisher description)
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