"[...] This edition of the MFWA’s Media and Governance Series, explores the shrinking civic space in West Africa; the growing issues contributing to the shrinking civic space as well as its impact on the media landscape and citizens. It also suggests key actions required of stakeholders such as go
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vernments, civil society organisations, the media and ECOWAS to stem or reverse the downward trend for a stronger democracy in West Africa." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Digital technology, while an important enabler of many COVID-19 mitigation measures, has also contributed to the rise of misinformation and disinformation surrounding the pandemic. The circulation of rumours, conspiracy theories, false claims and misconceptions about the novel coronavirus has had a
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pronounced impact on the world. Leveraging digital tools to facilitate access to reliable (and potentially life-saving) information and reduce exposure to misinformation and disinformation is a new skill that policy makers and communities at large need to master in the context of the events of the past two years.
Some efforts have been successful, while others have faced challenges and stalled. While the situation remains globally fluid and continues to evolve, it is possible to conclude that there is a wealth of innovative applications of ICT for infodemic management. The choice, design and implementation of any given solution or strategy need to be supported through a number of steps that should be coordinated and comprehensive in scope." (Conclusion, page 60)
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"Radio is the dominant news source in Liberia, tuned in “every day” or “a few times a week” by 87% of adults. Almost four in 10 citizens (38%) say they regularly get news from the Internet and social media, while only about one in five are regular consumers of news via television (21%) and n
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ewspapers (16%). Three-fourths (76%) of Liberians say the media should “constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption.” Six in 10 citizens (61%) say the media should be free to publish without government interference. But only one in five (19%) see Liberia’s media as “somewhat” or “completely” free. Despite support for media freedom, majorities say the government should be able to restrict the sharing of false information (74%), information that criticizes or insults the president (69%), hate speech (68%), and information or opinions that the government disapproves of (59%). Politicians (76%) and government officials (74%) are most widely seen as knowingly spreading false information. Among Liberians who have heard of social media, most (80%) see its impact on society as positive, although majorities also think it makes people more susceptible to fake news (73%) and more intolerant of other viewpoints (66%). More than seven in 10 Liberians (72%) say access to social media and the Internet should not be regulated by the government." (Key findings, page 2)
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"The book goes beyond critiques of the marginality of African approaches in media and communication studies to offer scholars the theoretical and empirical toolkit needed to start building critical corpora of African scholarship and theory that places the everyday worlds, needs and uses of Africans
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first. Decoloniality demands new epistemological interventions in African media, culture and communication, and this book is an important interlocutor in this space. In a globally interconnected world, changing patterns of authority and power pose new challenges to the ways in which media institutions are constituted and managed, as well as how communication and media policy is negotiated and the manner in which citizens engage with increasing media opportunities. The handbook focuses on the interrelationships of the local and the global and the concomitant consequences for media practice, education and citizen engagement in today’s Africa." (Publisher description)
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"In this paper, we investigate to what extent Nigerian newspapers practice peace journalism by emphasizing underlying causes of conflict in their reporting rather than stressing ethnic and religious divisions. We make use of a sequential mixed methods approach, which combines a quantitative content
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analysis of news reports with semi-structured interviews with Nigerian newspaper editors and journalists. Our results indicate that Nigerian newspapers do not explicitly use divisive language when discussing conflicts, but they rarely stress underlying structural causes either. While there is a willingness among Nigerian journalists to avoid potentially escalatory language, a dearth of resources and capacities impedes independent and in-depth analysis concerning the underlying drivers of conflicts." (Abstract)
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"Les analyses et réflexions axées sur la problématique de la communication de crise en Côte d’Ivoire permettent, d’une part, de révéler les sources, les enjeux et les conséquences de la communication publique et globale en période de crise. Elles mènent, d’autre part, à observer de n
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ombreuses entropies, notamment la communication zéro et les incommunications, qui sont des actions et pensées attentatoires à la communication positive et efficace. Cet ouvrage, à travers des cas, évoque les paradigmes de la communication de crise et propose la gestion méthodique ou professionnelle de la communication en contexte de crise. Il s’agit des situations de communication de crise qui dévoilent l’impériosité de la prospective systémique et dynamique de la communication en société, surtout en situation de crise." (Dos de couverture)
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"After a recent contested election, the Central African Republic finds itself in a precarious situation. Violence around the election combined with the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 and destructive flooding have caused the humanitarian emergency to reach its worst state in five years. Meanwhile
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, the CAR government has been accused of engaging in Russian-backed disinformation campaigns targeting domestic civil society, French diplomats and the United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINUSCA), threatening key relationships. Even as the long-simmering issue of hate speech continues to draw fault lines through the country, efforts to combat these campaigns have focused primarily on challenging fake news rather than addressing the underlying fear and prejudice that spoilers use to stoke conflict." (Introduction)
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"This study examined perceptions on the effectiveness, attendant challenges and remedies of community media for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages. The qualitative survey design was adopted with focus group discussions and key informant interviews of 50 purposively chosen informants. It w
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as perceived that community media could serve as veritable platform for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages since they would engender the setting of acculturation in Nigerian languages as national objective or goal. It was further held that the strengths of community media for acculturation were in being goal-defined, ensuring local content and diversification. The study identified that as palatable as the proposal for community media for effective acculturation in Nigerian languages is, it would be fraught with some set-backs or challenges that were very much surmountable. Perceptions pointed towards transient nature of community media and funding as challenges as well as multibased funding as one remedy. Immediate establishment of community media for the purpose of acculturation in Nigerian languages was recommended." (Abstract)
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"This book explores the relationship between the safety of journalists and self-censorship practices around the world, including local case studies and regional and international perspectives. Bringing together scholars and practitioners from around the globe, Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship p
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rovides new and updated insights into patterns of self-censorship and free speech, focusing on a variety of factors that affect these issues, including surveillance, legislation, threats, violent conflict, gender-related stereotypes, digitisation and social media. The contributions examine topics such as trauma, risk and self-censorship among journalists in different regions of the world, including Central America, Estonia, Turkey, Uganda and Pakistan. The book also provides conceptual clarity to the notion of journalist self-censorship, and explores the question of how self-censorship may be studied empirically." (Publisher description)
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"Der Umgang mit der Kolonialgeschichte, die hierzulande lange im Schatten der Aufarbeitung des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust stand, unterliegt gegenwärtig einem grundlegenden Wandel. Zwar zählt auch Deutschland faktisch zu den postkolonialen Gesellschaften Europas, doch ist diese Tatsache
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kaum in das Bewusstsein der Menschen und in das Handeln der Politik vorgedrungen. Der Sammelband zieht Bilanz und will zugleich die notwendige Auseinandersetzung um eine Dekolonisierung globaler wie lokaler Machtverhältnisse und eine Dekolonialisierung der immer noch dominierenden Wissens- und Deutungsmacht des »Westens« anregen. Die aktuellen Debatten um den Völkermord an den Herero und Nama oder die koloniale Beutekunst im geplanten Humboldt Forum in Berlin richten den Fokus ein ums andere Mal auf eine koloniale Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Of the eight countries surveyed here, only four have comprehensive data protection privacy acts in place: Kenya, South Africa, Togo and Uganda. But as these research reports suggest, this is not necessarily a strong indicator of whether a country is committed to privacy rights, or of the efficacy o
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f a country’s legislative environment in ensuring the right to privacy and data protection. Instead, reading across the reports, what can be described as an asymmetry between legislation and practice is evident at different levels. This asymmetry can be political – for example, Togo, an effective constitutional dictatorship marked by fierce government crackdowns on opposition and recent reports of surveillance of religious and political leaders, enacted a data protection law in 2019, and is one of the few countries in Africa to have ratified the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection (Malabo Convention). Yet, as the country author suggests, “This interest [by policy makers in digital rights] is not necessarily to protect the citizens but rather out of concern to adapt state policies to the global digital situation.” This asymmetry also concerns the regulatory framework for the implementation of a data protection act. Amongst the countries surveyed here, South Africa was the first to pass a protection of personal information act (in 2013), but still has not implemented the necessary regulations to give practical force to the law. In contrast, while Nigeria’s privacy law is still in draft form, it already has what the country author describes as “watershed” privacy regulations." (Introduction, page 5)
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"This handbook enables journalism educators worldwide to address one of the challenges of the 21st century – migration and refugee matters. In a set of thirteen modules, journalism educators are provided with a comprehensive curriculum. It covers all aspects needed to train analysis, research, pre
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sentation, marketing, and ethics of migration coverage. The handbook is unique as it comprises results of communication studies as well as political and social sciences. It has been developed by an international and cross-cultural group of media researchers, media educators and media practitioners. Journalism educators will be enabled to jump-start a new curriculum. Journalism students will learn that matters of migration and forced displacement are concerned about human beings and therefore require knowledge and awareness of accurate facts, reliable sources, ethical reporting and good practices. Experienced journalists will benefit from using the volume as a self-learning tool, and media development organizations may adapt the curriculum to their training plans." (Short summary, page III)
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"The RTI Act is considered the mother of all anti-corruption tools in Ghana. It is expected that citizens will utilize the law to access public information thereby engendering transparency and accountability in governance. Again, that active information disclosure by government and public institutio
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ns will help in the fight against corruption. However, since the passage of the law, awareness and uptake of the law by citizens including journalists has been quite low. Thus, as part of efforts to increase the knowledge of the law among journalists and how it can be utilized to help fight corruption in Ghana, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) with support from the Deutche Welle Akademie on June 17, 2021 convened a forum of journalists, lawyers, anti-corruption CSOs, journalists’ groups/associations and members of the RTI Commission on the theme Investigative Journalism, the RTI Law and the Fight Against Corruption in Ghana. This Publication presents key Reflections and Recommendations from stakeholders at the forum." (Background, page 2)
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"This article presents new empirical insights into what people do with conspiracy theories during crises. By suppressing the impulse to distinguish between truth and falsehood, which has characterized most scholarship on the COVID-19 “infodemic,” and engaging with claims surrounding two popular
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COVID-19 conspiracies—on 5G and on Bill Gates—in South Africa and Nigeria, we illustrate how conspiracies morph as they interact with different socio-political contexts. Drawing on a mixed-method analysis of more than 6 million tweets, we examine how, in each country, conspiracies have uniquely intersected with longer-term discourses and political projects. In Nigeria, the two conspiracies were both seized as opportunities to extend criticism to the ruling party. In South Africa, they produced distinctive responses: while the 5G conspiracy had limited buy-in, the Gates conspiracy resonated with deep-rooted resentment toward the West, corporate interests, and what is seen as a paternalistic attitude of some external actors toward Africa. These findings stress the importance of taking conspiracy theories seriously, rather than dismissing them simply as negative externalities of digital ecosystems. Situating conspiracies in specific dynamics of trust and mistrust can make an important difference when designing responses that are not limited to broadcasting truthful information, but can also enable interventions that account for deeply rooted sentiments of suspicion toward specific issues and actors, which can vary significantly across communities." (Abstract)
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"For the first time, a complete mapping of the film and audiovisual industry in 54 States of the African continent is available, including quantitative and qualitative data and an analysis of their strengths and weaknesses at the continental and regional levels. The report proposes strategic recomme
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ndations for the development of the film and audiovisual sectors in Africa and invites policymakers, professional organizations, firms, filmmakers and artists to implement them in a concerted manner. The film and audiovisual industry in Africa has the potential to create over 20 million jobs and generate US$20 billion in revenues per year." (Short summary, page 2)
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"Depuis 2014, PeaceTech Lab a entrepris des recherches et travaillé avec des partenaires locaux dans 13 pays pour comprendre la dynamique des discours de haine et le lien entre la prolifération des récits haineux en ligne et les événements violents hors ligne. Cette recherche et les lexiques qu
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i en résultent cherchent à identifier et à contextualiser le type particulier de langage susceptible de provoquer la violence en exacerbant les tensions existantes et en approfondissant les crises en cours au sein des communautés en conflit. Plutôt que d’évaluer l’existence ou la prévalence générale des discours de haine, chaque lexique examine plutôt les termes provocateurs les plus répandus, leurs origines et leur contexte, ainsi que leur utilisation dans le contexte d’un pays particulier. Pour réussir à surveiller et à contrer les discours haineux dans leurs degrés de gravité, nous devons d’abord identifier le vocabulaire le plus couramment utilisé et le contexte social et politique qui rend ces termes offensants, provocateurs ou potentiellement dangereux [...] Comme illustré tout au long de ce document, les discours de haine sont à la fois un symptôme et une cause de ces divisions. Dans le contexte de la réalité actuelle d’insécurité et de conflit en RCA, les discours incendiaires sont utilisés comme un outil pour atteindre des objectifs politiques et matériels. Cela a pour conséquence d’approfondir les divisions entre les communautés religieuses et ethniques, de polariser davantage les opinions et de déshumaniser les groupes ciblés, d’exacerber les sentiments de frustration et de grief et d’abaisser le seuil des actes de violence." (Introduction)
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"Since 2014, PeaceTech Lab has undertaken research and worked with local partners in 13 countries to understand the dynamics of hate speech and the connection between the proliferation of hateful narratives online and violent events offline. This research and the resulting lexicons seek to identify
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and contextualize the particular type of language that is likely to cause violence by exacerbating ongoing tensions and deepening ongoing crises within communities in conflict. Rather than assessing the general existence or prevalence of hate speech, each lexicon instead examines the most prevalent inflammatory terms, their origins and context, and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech in its degrees of severity, we must first identify the vocabulary most commonly used and the social and political context that makes these terms offensive, inflammatory, or potentially dangerous [...] As illustrated throughout this document, hate speech is both a symptom and cause of these divisions. In the context of CAR’s current reality of insecurity and conflict, inflammatory speech is used as a tool to achieve political and material ends. This ultimately results in the deepening of divisions between religious and ethnic communities, furthering of polarizing opinions, dehumanization of targeted groups, exacerbation of feelings of frustration and grievance, and lowering of the threshold to acts of violence." (Introduction)
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