"In Latin America in the twenty-first century, journalists face daily professional and societal constraints and pressures when attempting to fulfill their role to inform the public. Concerns include a lack of press freedom, robust and growing social movements critical of the news media, and personal
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security on and offline. In this article, the authors examine the conceptual frameworks that can be used to understand journalism practice, and the lack of freedom of expression in Latin America. The authors use Mexico, one of the most dangerous places for journalists to work in the region, as a case study. Specifically, the authors examine and discuss the strengths and limitations of six conceptual frameworks: Hierarchy of Influences; Propaganda and Information Scarcity; Collective Action; Scale-shifting; Professional Reflexivity; and Collective Professional Autonomy." (Abstract)
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"The chapter describes how social media is utilized in an environment of heightened violence and indicates that numerous journalists from 18 cities often use social media to forge cross-border relationships with colleagues. It focuses on a study of social media use by journalists and bloggers report
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ing in the northern states and uses the conceptual framework of scale-shifting to analyze how journalists from both the United States and Mexico overcome information scarcity while also avoiding digital security risks in the northern Mexican states. The chapter describes how some journalists from Mexico and the United States, covering northern Mexico use social media for their work. In northern Mexico, where bloggers and journalists continue to be threatened, social media present both opportunities and challenges. By employing a transnational approach to explore the connections between social media and journalism practice along the US–Mexico border, the research has set the groundwork for future projects regarding social media in the region." (Abstract)
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"Now in paperback for the first time, the Handbook is an academic adaptation of information contained in the Global Report on the Status of Women in News Media, a study commissioned by the International Women's Media Foundation. The book's editor was the principal investigator of the original study.
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This text draws together the most robust data from that original study, presenting it in 29 chapters on individual nations and three additional theoretical chapters. The book is the most expansive effort to date to consider women's standing in the journalism profession across the world. Contents organize nations in relation to their progress within newsrooms, with those most advanced in gender equality representing diversity in terms of region and national development. Contributing authors are, in most cases, the original researchers for their respective nations in the Global Report study." (Publisher description)
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"Habría muchas razones para suponer una relación natural entre el periodismo y la democracia, desde la difusión de información y la socialización de debates relevantes para el interés público, hasta la vigilancia contra el abuso de poder. En México, sin embargo, el periodismo no ha sido plen
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amente capaz de desarrollar estas funciones y las razones tienen que ver, en gran parte, con la forma en que se han desarrollado las relaciones entre los medios –vehículos privilegiados por mucho tiempo para el ejercicio periodístico– y el régimen político. Entre el siglo XX y el XXI hemos transitado de un modelo mediático caracterizado por el peso inhibidor del régimen sobre la labor informativa a otro en el que, de formas distintas, grupos políticos, económicos y del crimen organizado ejercen presión sobre la independencia de esa labor informativa. En este sentido, en la mayor parte de los medios tradicionales tenemos un periodismo colaborador que, en ciudades medianas y pequeñas de provincia se convierte más bien en uno acosado. La buena noticia es que gracias en gran parte a la revolución tecnológica de las últimas décadas, ha comenzado a surgir un periodismo responsivo, distinto en sus temas, tratamiento y método, que está soportado en los principales centros urbanos por mercados publicitarios y públicos cada vez más exigentes con los contenidos mediáticos que consumen. Si bien el panorama sigue siendo de claroscuros, en México ya hay –aunque sea de forma incipiente– una serie de espacios en donde el periodismo tiene oportunidad de desarrollar esas funciones, aun a contracorriente del ambiente dominante." (Resumen, página 9-10)
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"In diesem Beitrag wird kurz auf die Ursprünge des IFAI (Instituto Federal de Acceso a la Información y Protección de Datos) sowie auf seine Zusammensetzung und Funktionsweise eingegangen. Im Licht aktuell vorgeschlagener Reformdiskussionen werden die Perspektiven der Institution aufgezeigt und i
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hre Rolle als Garant eines Grundrechtes erklärt. Zudem wird erläutert, weshalb das IFAI keine Institution ist, mithilfe derer eine wirksame Rechenschaftsablage (accountabihiy) erreicht werden kann." (Seite 299)
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"El objetivo que se ha perseguido con esta antología es el de presentar el desarrollo histórico del cine mexicano durante 80 años, así como también el de dar a conocer la riqueza de los temas y géneros que caracteriza la producción cinematográfi ca de México, desde sus principios hasta las
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realizaciones más recientes. Al panorama que se ofrece aquí han contribuido 31 artículos dedicados a obras claves y emblemáticas. Cada uno de ellos vincula un análisis detallado con los contextos políticos, sociales, culturales y estéticos que infl uyen en las respectivas películas. La fase que abarcan en general va desde la llamada Edad de Oro, pasando por las décadas de los setenta y ochenta —marcadas por una profunda crisis económica y artística—, y los inicios de un nuevo cine independiente, en los años noventa, hasta llegar, fi nalmente, a los éxitos internacionales a partir del 2000. Tales tendencias y características del cine mexicano se presentan a la luz de varios paradigmas metodológicos e históricos, entre los cuales se hallan la sociología y el psicoanálisis, las ciencias culturales y los estudios de género. Así, entre contextualizaciones históricas, el lector encontrará también nuevos enfoques teóricos, conclusiones y observaciones que podrá profundizar con selecciones de bibliografías sobre las películas analizadas, con informaciones sobre sus directores, guionistas y actores, y en algunos casos, además, con aspectos relacionados con la producción y la recepción." (Introducción)
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"Los medios, ante la debilidad de los partidos e instituciones, lideran opinión y se tornan en inductores del pensamiento público, incluso contrapesando el poder de los gobiernos. ¿Cómo encontrar el equilibrio en un escenario tan violentamente polarizado en el que los dos extremos pretenden impo
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nerse?" (Cubierta del libro)
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"This chapter will analyze women’s access to and participation in Mexico’s news media. At the intersections of feminism and the political economy of communication, we will put into context the findings for Mexico in the Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media (Global Report) (Byer
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ly 2011). Our purpose is to establish that the access and participation of women in Mexico’s news media are (a) identified by gender inequality, (b) subject to a structural problem and not just an accident or a circumstance exclusive of one industry, (c) marked by structural inequality, i.e., the higher the position, the wider the gap of gender inequality, and (d) defined by a gender division of labor that is a feature of the incorporation of women to these industries." (Abstract)
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"El libro de Claudia Magallanes y José Manuel Ramos es fundamental para el debate sobre medios de comunicación indígena. Contiene el aporte colectivo de once capítulos, en los cuales autores de diferentes comunidades académicas ensayan nuevas perspectivas metodológicas de investigación. El te
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ma principal que recorre el texto es la praxis comunicacional de varios grupos indígenas en la disputa por la auto representación y visibilización de las identidades culturales. Esto se revela en el uso de las radios comunitarias y videos indígenas como medios para articular la resistencia y reivindicar su identidad. Estos median la plataforma cultural para defender la lengua autóctona, el cuidado de la naturaleza y del medio ambiente y resistir a las industrias o para representar a sus comunidades con los valores simbólicos propios, como un discurso autónomo de resistencia contra la hegemonía cultural." (Reseña por José Morán, en: Chasqui,, nr. 131, 2026, página 421)
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"Entertainment education and the promotora model are 2 evidence-based health communication strategies. This study examined their combined effect on promoting healthy eating among mothers in a family-based intervention. Participants were 361 Mexican-origin families living in Imperial County, Californ
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ia, who were randomly assigned to an intervention or delayed treatment condition. The intervention involved promotoras (community health workers) who delivered 11 home visits and 4 telephone calls. Home visits included a 12-minute episode of a 9-part situation comedy depicting a family struggling with making healthy eating choices; an accompanying family workbook was reviewed to build skills and left with the family. Baseline and immediate postintervention data were collected from the mothers, including the primary outcome of daily servings of fruits and vegetables. Other dietary and psychosocial factors related to healthy eating were examined. At postintervention, mothers in the intervention reported increases in daily vegetable servings (p <= .05); however, no changes were observed in fruit consumption. Improvements were observed in behavioral strategies to increase fiber (p <= .001) and to decrease fat intake (p <= .001), unhealthy eating behaviors (p <= .001), and individual (p <= .05) and family-related (p <= .01) perceived barriers to healthy eating. Entertainment education and promotoras engaged families and improved mothers' diets. Further research should examine the dose needed for greater changes." (Abstract)
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"This report surveys the changing patterns of media consumption in 65 countries across the world, and forecasts how the amount of time people allocate to different media will change between 2014 and 2017. It measures the amount of time spent reading newspapers and magazines, watching television, lis
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tening to the radio, visiting the cinema, using the internet, and viewing outdoor advertising while out of the home. Note that the extent of information available varies considerably from market to market. For some countries we have a full breakdown of consumption figures across all media, with separate figures for desktop and mobile internet, with historical figures back to 2010 and forecasts to 2014, plus monthly breakdowns for consumption across the year, and hourly breakdowns for consumption across the day. For a few countries there is very little research on media consumption trends, so we are able to present only a limited set of figures. We expect the scope of the report to expand in future editions, both by adding new countries and by providing more details for countries where information is currently sparse." (Introduction)
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"This report, which has been produced by a group of distinguished journalists and their supporters, examines the broad scope of the crisis. It covers countries where media are on the frontline of tough political battles, such as Egypt and Turkey. In Ukraine, for instance, the practice of paid-for jo
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urnalism is a tool routinely used by politicians at election time. The same is true in India. In other countries, including Nigeria, Philippines, and Colombia the precarious working conditions of news staff provide fertile conditions for corruption and “brown envelopes” or under-the-table cash payments to reporters and editors which are a routine feature of journalistic work. The struggles facing journalists in settled democracies, such as the United Kingdom and Denmark, are less brazen, but no less challenging and in a range of countries across the Western Balkans with a shared and painful history, media corruption hinders aspirations to break free from the legacy of war, censorship and political control during decades of communist rule. The story is of an uphill struggle. Everywhere there is a crisis of confidence inside newsrooms caused by crumbling levels of commitment to ethics, a lowering of the status of journalistic work and a pervasive lack of transparency over advertising, ownership and corporate and political affiliations. Government control over lucrative state advertising, which is often allocated to media according to their political bias, remains widespread. At the same time, the elimination in most countries of the invisible wall separating editorial and advertising has created a surge of so-called “native advertising,” hidden advertorials and paid-for journalism. It was this conflict of interest that plunged the crisis-prone UK press into a new bout of handwringing in February 2015 when Peter Oborne, a leading political journalist, quit his job at the Daily Telegraph accusing the management of censoring stories about HSBC bank, a leading advertiser caught up in a tax scandal. These reports tell essentially the same story of deep cuts in editorial investment, undue pressure on newsrooms, and media increasingly dependent upon atypical models of ownership in which media have become the trophy possessions of powerful figures and institutions in pursuit of wider corporate and political objectives." (Introduction, page iii-iv)
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"La temporalidad del presente estudio comprende el periodo 2006-2015, que corresponde a los sexenios de Felipe Calderón Hinojosa y una parte del de Enrique Peña Nieto, periodo en el que, según muestran los informes de agencias nacionales e internacionales, la violencia contra los periodistas en e
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l contexto de la guerra declarada contra el narcotráfico se ha incrementado. La organización internacional Artículo 19 (2015), en su informe Estado de censura, ha contabilizado así las agresiones: mientras que hubo 1 092 agresiones en todo el sexenio de Felipe Calderón, en los dos primeros años del sexenio de Peña Nieto, éstas aumentaron 80%, reportándose 330 en 2013 y 326 en 2014. El estado de vulnerabilidad de los periodistas en México es grave y el riesgo de silenciar crecientemente la información es muy grande [...].
Cada uno de los capítulos presenta diferentes acercamientos a la(s) violencia(s) ejercida(s) contra y representadas en los medios, con distintos anclajes teóricos y metodológicos que, en su conjunto, ofrecen un amplio muestrario de cómo puede abordarse este problema. Aunque se apuntan diversos factores como desencadenadores de la violencia contra los periodistas, así como diferentes mediaciones para entender las representaciones de la violencia en los medios de los lugares estudiados, sí pueden señalarse elementos comunes. Por ello, concluyo este apartado con una cita del estudio introductorio de Mireya Márquez, en este mismo libro, la cual suscribo: [ ... ]es preciso comprender que el periodismo mexicano no se ve amenazado únicamente por la violencia criminal como un actor de poder aislado, sino que es amenazado por la violencia criminal en la medida en que el periodismo ha estado instrumentalizado desde su concepción por las diversas facciones en disputa por el poder, y de que no existe un andamiaje de protección de la profesión periodística en general ni su concepción como una ocupación profesional y autónoma." (Presentación, páginas 9-13)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fifth consecutive year, with more governments censoring information of public interest and placing greater demands on the private sector to take down offending content. State authorities have also jailed more users for their online writings, wh
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ile criminal and terrorist groups have made public examples of those who dared to expose their activities online. This was especially evident in the Middle East, where the public flogging of liberal bloggers, life sentences for online critics, and beheadings of internet-based journalists provided a powerful deterrent to the sort of digital organizing that contributed to the Arab Spring. In a new trend, many governments have sought to shift the burden of censorship to private companies and individuals by pressing them to remove content, often resorting to direct blocking only when those measures fail. Local companies are especially vulnerable to the whims of law enforcement agencies and a recent proliferation of repressive laws. But large, international companies like Google, Facebook, and Twitter have faced similar demands due to their significant popularity and reach." (Page 1)
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"Our remit was to look for innovative media outlets that are producing high-quality news, that are technologically innovative and that might actually survive financially. Accordingly, we spent three months interviewing media innovators around the world and reading what others have written on the sub
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ject. This report is divided into seven sections: 1) this introduction, 2) our main findings, 3) two sets of recommendations, one for the media development community and another set for people starting a media outlet, 4) an “Innovation Index” listing practices that we found around the world, 5) a description of our methodology, 6) a review of practitioner reports we read, 7) write-ups describing 35 media outlets, based on interviews we conducted [...] We were inspired and encouraged by what we saw. All over the world, independent media outlets are innovating and overcoming obstacles. Globally, start-ups are demonstrating the drive to take risks for the sake of a good idea. The challenges facing these outlets—and the innovations employed to tackle them—broadly fall into four categories: editorial, business, distribution and security. Operating with agility, media start-ups are finding creative ways to gather and disseminate information. In India, Gram Vaani uses a mobile phone social network to connect the rural poor and circumvent legislative prohibitions on radio broadcasting. In Zimbabwe, The Source survives in the repressive media climate by focusing on business journalism. Oxpeckers in South Africa uses geomapping to report on rhino poaching. Crikey in Australia has built a successful business model based on soliciting tips and scandal from the same audience it reports on and Kenya’s African SkyCAM deploys drones to avoid negotiating with police for access to disaster zones [...] Instead of finding a clear model for what works, we found confirmation of many things we knew or suspected. Independent media outlets vary in size, ambition and model. Few have fully succeeded, while many do one thing well, which typically reflects the founder’s particular strength—usually in journalism or technology [...] Most media outlets we found are small, run by a few full-time staff supplemented by volunteers and freelancers, and supported by a combination of grants, donations and haphazard business endeavors. The leaders at most organizations we interviewed were motivated by a desire to produce high-quality journalism rather than meet particular financial or audience goals." (Executive summary, page 5-7)
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"Este documento ofrece una serie de cifras y perspectivas claves para ayudar a los profesionales del sector editorial de todo el mundo a entender la transformación que está teniendo lugar en los mercados en idioma español y portugués, así como las oportunidades de negocio derivadas de dicha tra
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nsformación." (Página 3)
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