"Este documento ofrece una serie de cifras y perspectivas claves para ayudar a los profesionales del sector editorial de todo el mundo a entender la transformación que está teniendo lugar en los mercados en idioma español y portugués, así como las oportunidades de negocio derivadas de dicha tra
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nsformación." (Página 3)
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"This report gives forecasts for online video spend and consumption, where available, for 40 markets in which online video is at varying stages of development. From markets such as Singapore, where 85% of the population claims to access online video (according to GlobalWebIndex, 2014), to countries
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where online video is still in its early stages of growth, what we see is that online video consumption has risen sharply over the past few years and has begun to attract budget-switching from TV advertising. TV remains, of course, the world’s most popular advertising channel, and will be so for some years yet. Nevertheless, networks and studios are having to adapt to the new importance of digital." (Introduction, page 1)
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"The telenovela El Candidato did not elect Vicente Fox per se but it was a very powerful media vehicle that certainly helped him. Although there were suspicions from the beginning about the telenovela’s positive support of the PRI in the context of the real election, it turns out that in fact upon
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detailed analysis key scenes and episodes of El Candidato’s general framework, the opposite proved to be true. TV-Azteca and El Candidato together negatively framed the image of the PRI and its role in ruling the country for 71 years, which then helped to underline the necessity of change. El Candidato visually explained the complexity of the social-political world even better that the politicians themselves or the press because its arguments are accompanied by images, angles, colors, music, emotions, etc. For some of those viewers-electors, the telenovela was an understandable guide to Mexican politics because the telenovela showed details related to what people thought about the PRI, politics, recent scandals and assassinations. The public mission of TVAzteca and its nightly newscast Hechos de la Noche following El Candidato resulted in sensationalizing real public events with the private goal of supporting a president close to its own interests." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"Women on average are 14% less likely to own a mobile phone than men, which translates into 200 million fewer women than men owning mobile phones. Women in South Asia are 38% less likely to own a phone than men, highlighting that the gender gap in mobile phone ownership is wider in certain parts of
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the world. Even when women own mobile phones, there is a significant gender gap in mobile phone usage, which prevents them from reaping the full benefits of mobile phone ownership. Women report using phones less frequently and intensively than men, especially for more sophisticated services such as mobile internet. In most countries, fewer women than men who own phones report using messaging and data services beyond voice. Cost remains the greatest barrier overall to owning and using a mobile phone, particularly for women, who often have less financial independence than men." (Executive summary)
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"We asked writers and researchers to examine the quality of coverage and to highlight reporting problems as well as good work.The conclusions from many different parts of the world are remarkably similar: journalism under pressure from a weakening media economy; political bias and opportunism that d
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rives the news agenda; the dangers of hate-speech, stereotyping and social exclusion of refugees and migrants. But at the same time there have been inspiring examples of careful, sensitive and ethical journalism that have shown empathy for the victims. In most countries the story has been dominated by two themes – numbers and emotions. Most of the time coverage is politically led with media often following an agenda dominated by loose language and talk of invasion and swarms. At other moments the story has been laced with humanity, empathy and a focus on the suffering of those involved." (Introduction, page 5-6)
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"Video games have become a global industry, and their history spans dozens of national industries where foreign imports compete with domestic productions, legitimate industry contends with piracy, and national identity faces the global marketplace. This volume describes video game history and cultur
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e across every continent, with essays covering areas as disparate and far-flung as Argentina and Thailand, Hungary and Indonesia, Iran and Ireland. Most of the essays are written by natives of the countries they discuss, many of them game designers and founders of game companies, offering distinctively firsthand perspectives. Some of these national histories appear for the first time in English, and some for the first time in any language." (Back cover)
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"Actualmente, México se compone en mayor medida de una población joven. Esto implica un beneficio considerable para el desarrollo económico del país; no obstante, la evolución hacia una sociedad encabezada por adultos mayores presenta un futuro lleno de desafíos, no solo económicos, sino publ
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icitarios, al considerar que un número importante de organizaciones enfocan sus esfuerzos publicitarios hacia sectores en edad productiva." (Página 2)
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"In 2014, Mexico, Brazil, Portugal, Colombia and Argentina, in that order, were the top five countries in the production of national fiction hours. Once again, Brazil and Mexico, despite the drop suffered by the latter, continued to be the largest producers of fiction in the Ibero-American region. I
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n contrast, Peru and Ecuador had the lowest offer of national fiction hours, while Uruguay did not produce hours of national fiction during 2014." (Page 39)
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"Campaigns and movements targeting corruption often face decentralized targets rather than an identifiable dictator or external government, and can be found both in undemocratic and democratic systems. Graft and abuse are manifested in a systemic manner rather than a hodgepodge collection of illicit
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transactions. Consequently, this research brings to light new applications of civil resistance beyond the more commonly known cases against occupations, such as the Indian independence movement, and authoritarian regimes from Chile to Poland. It also expands our understanding about the dynamics of how people collectively wield nonviolent power for the common good. The focus of this research is on citizen agency: what civic actors and regular people—organized together and exerting their collective power—are doing to curb corruption as they define and experience it. Hence, the analytical framework is based on the skills, strategies, objectives, and demands of such initiatives, rather than on the phenomenon of corruption itself, which has been judiciously studied for more than two decades by scholars and practitioners from the anticorruption and development realms. I selected cases that met the following criteria: they were “popular” initiatives. They were civilian-based, involved grassroots participation, and were led and implemented by individuals from the civic realm, rather than governments or external actors, such as donors, development institutions, and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs); they were nonviolent. They did not threaten or use violence to further their aims; they involved some degree of organization and planning, which varied depending on the scope—objectives, geographical range, duration—of the civic initiative; multiple nonviolent actions were employed (thus, instances of one-off demonstrations or spontaneous protests were not considered); objectives and demands were articulated; the civic initiative was sustained over a period of time." (Introduction, pages 2-3)
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"Die Beiträge dieses Buches zeigen am Beispiel des ¡muestra! IberoAmerikanischen Filmfests in Passau, welche filmischen Schätze der Kulturraum zu bieten hat und wie diese im deutschsprachigen Raum rezipiert werden. Gleichzeitig dokumentieren sie die zwar junge, aber sehr erfolgreiche Festivalgesc
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hichte der Passauer ¡muestra!" (Buchrücken)
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"La cultura es la riqueza de los pueblos que defienden su identidad y que tratan de reinventarse en un mundoglobalizado, multicultural y diverso. Es imprescindible, pues, impulsar la reflexión sobre el papel de la cultura en su desarrollo. Esta segunda edición del estudios "Cultura y desarrollo ec
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onómico en Iberoamérica" aborda el efecto de la cultura en el desarrollo económico de nuestros paíse, y llega a una conclusión impactante: los aportes de la cultura al desarrollo económico de los países son muy superiores a los presupuestos que los mismos países beneficiados invierten en el desarrollo de la cultura. Finalmente, el estudio pon en relieve que aún falta mucho camino por recorrer para que todos los países lleguen a destinar al menos el 1% de su presupuesto a la inversión cultural, tal como se aprobó en la Conferencia de Ministros de Cultura celebrada en Chile, en Julio de 2007." (Tapa posterior)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fourth consecutive year, with a growing number of countries introducing online censorship and monitoring practices that are simultaneously more aggressive and more sophisticated in their targeting of individual users. In a departure from the pa
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st, when most governments preferred a behind-the-scenes approach to internet control, countries are rapidly adopting new laws that legitimize existing repression and effectively criminalize online dissent." (Page 1)
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"Using case studies from countries such as Burma, Mexico and Uganda, the study explores whether the use of technology in citizen participation programs amplifies citizen voices and increases government responsiveness and accountability, and whether the use of digital technology increases the politic
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al clout of citizens. The research shows that while more people are using technology—such as social media for mobile organizing, and interactive websites and text messaging systems that enable direct communication between constituents and elected officials or crowdsourcing election day experiences— the type and quality of their political participation, and therefore its impact on democratization, varies. It also suggests that, in order to leverage technology’s potential, there is a need to focus on non-technological areas such as political organizing, leadership skills and political analysis." (NDI website)
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