"This report is published quarterly and gives an overview of key CCEA barriers and gaps across the Ukraine response, as well as recommendations for practitioners and responders to improve the use of CCEA for those affected by the crisis. Despite the many CCEA-related activities happening on the grou...nd, there are still critical gaps related to: information provision on priority topics; addressing language and translation concerns; two-way digital outreach; and CCE for marginalised groups and host communities. Many of these gaps could be addressed, and CCEA activities more effectively scaled, through a collaborative approach among international aid organisations and local media, CSOs, and diaspora- and refugee-led organisations, formal and informal." (Introduction, p.5 & Conclusion, p.21)
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"Key findings and recommendations on the main communication, community engagement and accountability (CCEA) barriers and gaps:Finding 1: There is strong rhetoric from international agencies to support local/national CCEA and work on more inclusive partnerships – but progress has been slowF...inding 2: Significant gaps in the CCEA capacities of local and national agencies constrain activitiesFinding 3: Language and terminology are key barriers to participation and inclusion of local organisationsFinding 4: Marginalised groups need specific CCEA considerationsFinding 5: Information is needed for refugees returning to UkraineFinding 6: Non-Ukrainian refugees need specific CCEA considerationsFinding 7: Engagement is needed with host communities" (p.6-10)
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"Multifaceted, uncensored, promoting democracy - that is the internet, many people had long hoped. But from today's perspective, this is not true - or only partially. Because the big digital platforms and the world wide web are both: media of freedom and control. In many places, they support civil s...ociety, but often they also pose a massive threat to it. On the one hand, civil society organisations, activists and bloggers use digital tools to organise their work and make it more efficient: Through them, they disseminate reports and campaigns and exchange information. On the other hand, governments restrict freedom of expression and the press through online censorship: They block access to certain websites or platforms or shut down the internet entirely and monitor activists and journalists with digital technologies, often made in Europe. Policymakers, platforms and civil society face major challenges: They have to negotiate and decide how to deal with hate on the web and in social media without compromising freedom of expression. How more people, especially in the Global South, can get better access to the internet. And, how the data collection frenzy of the big tech companies and the dangers posed to democracy by Facebook & Co can be contained. Civil society voices call for more human rights based regulation and containment of digital capitalism." (Summary, p.6)
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"Over the past decade, Vladimir Putin’s Russia has employed unorthodox foreign policy tools with increasing frequency, intensity, and success. Perhaps the most effective of these tactics has been the use of information warfare designed to affect decision-making in countries Russia considers to be ...its adversaries. In the target countries, these measures aim to destabilize civil society, erode trust in democratic institutions, and foster uncertainty among allies. If the United States and Europe hope to defend their economies, institutions, and identities, an immediate and effective policy response is required. To date, however, the United States and many of its European partners have struggled to develop policies that combat and counter Russian information warfare. The articles gathered here examine the tools that Russia has used against Ukraine, Poland, the United States, and the European Union, as well as the strategies that these countries have employed to combat Russian information warfare. The joint article by the four authors concisely summarizes the findings and proposes policy options by means of which the democratic countries of the West can address the challenges information warfare poses. The final article looks at Russia, examining controversies around the political role of the aggregator Yandex.news in prioritizing media news." (Introduction, p.2)
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"International assistance actors have played an important role in supporting media reforms in Ukraine. Their long-term, continuous efforts planted the seeds for groundbreaking media environment changes during Ukraine’s democratic transition. International donors’ sustained engagement in Ukraine ...laid the groundwork for the major transitions, primarily by facilitating the emergence and development of the vibrant and powerful local civil society. Notwithstanding the prolonged periods of “lost hope” and stagnation, which might have discouraged some other activists from policy development and advocacy, Ukrainian CSMOs have managed to pursue their strategic priorities even under challenging circumstances and quickly consolidated their efforts at a crucial moment in Ukraine’s modern history — right in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity, in the spring of 2014. Ukrainian CSOs were ready and courageous enough to step in when the state and its institutions were extremely weakened and to assume their roles in certain fields. Both the CSMOs and donors jumped at the opportunity presented by the revolution: several innovative media reforms, which had been drafted and redrafted over many years, were adopted in a matter of few weeks in the spring of 2014. That success would have been impossible without the preparatory work done during the preceding years." (Conclusion, p.20)
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"Since gaining independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine has lurched along an unsteady path toward accountable democratic governance. Yet despite the country's volatile politics and the escalating conflict with Russia leading up to the full.scale invasion of Ukraine in ...February 2022, Ukrainian reformers and their allies have made significant progress in reshaping the country's media climate." (p.1)
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"The Global Handbook of Media Accountability brings together leading scholars to 'de-Westernize' the academic debate on media accountability and discuss different models of media self-regulation and newsroom transparency around the globe. With examination of the status quo of media accountability in... forty-four countries worldwide, it offers a theoretically informed, comparative analysis of accountability regimes of different varieties. As such, it constitutes the first interdisciplinary academic framework comparing structures of media accountability across all continents and represents an invaluable basis for further research and policy-making. It will therefore appeal to scholars and students of media studies and journalism, mass communication, sociology and political science, as well as policy-makers and practitioners." (Publisher)
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"Wie wird Propaganda im Medium Fernsehen im 21. Jahrhundert gemacht und welche Strategien werden dafür verwendet? Diesen Fragen geht die vorliegende Studie nach, indem sie die mediale Berichterstattung in Russland über den Konflikt in der Ukraine im Jahr 2014 untersucht. Im Fokus stehen russische ...TV-Talkshows, welche neben den Nachrichtensendungen ein besonders effektives Mittel zur Meinungsmanipulation und Verbreitung bestimmter Informationen sind. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil definiert den Betriff Propaganda und führt bisherige Untersuchungen zum Krieg in der Ukraine an. Der zweite Teil dokumentiert die Ereignisse des Jahres 2014 und stellt das russische Fernsehen sowie die TV-Talkshow als Forschungsgegenstand vor. Im dritten Teil folgt eine umfassende quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung von Talkshowsendungen. Während die quantitative Analyse den Umfang der propagandistischen Einwirkung und die Reaktion des russischen Fernsehens auf die Ereignisse in der Ukraine dokumentiert, macht die Kritische Diskursanalyse deutlich, mithilfe welcher sprachlicher, akustischer und visueller Mittel in den Talkshows gearbeitet wurde, um die gegnerische Seite zu diffamieren und eigene Seite zu heroisieren." (Verlag)
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"The media environment in Ukraine is complex, diverse and competitive. Most of the country’s outlets are privately owned by high-profile Ukrainians who tend to use them for political influence. However, a small number of media organizations uphold high standards of professionalism and integrity an...d are vital for shaping domestic political and social debate. These are mostly in print and online but also include some broadcasters, such as Suspilne, and international donor-funded multimedia platforms. Ukraine has a vibrant community of media experts, activists and NGOs that monitor and analyse the sector. These individuals and organizations create development initiatives, advocate reforms and, to a certain extent, perform self-regulatory functions. Platforms for discussions among media professionals are contributing to an evolving industry culture. But they face challenges including limited authority to implement changes; unsustainable funding, often reliant on international donors; and a lack of consensus on ethical and quality standards within the media community. Many outlets provide content for free and domestic audiences are accustomed to this practice. However, there are efforts in Ukraine to encourage consumers to pay for quality content. From early 2020, the biggest media organizations began restricting free access to their output. Meanwhile, smaller independent media are offering subscription and membership models to improve their economic sustainability. The COVID-19 crisis has pushed media organizations to be more proactive in creating business models that do not solely rely on advertising. Ukraine’s media landscape is threatened by the disruption of traditional information delivery methods and consumption patterns; fake news and disinformation; a changing media economy; competition from social media and tech giants; and political turbulence and hostile actors, particularly Russia. Reforms in media regulation – in addition to those in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – could limit the influence of media owners and protect outlets from political actors determined to attack journalists or manipulate content. Furthermore, support for sustainable revenue models, technological capacity-building and better brand recognition could focus on independent outlets that lack the resources to compete with oligarch-owned media. Improved media literacy efforts are also important for creating long-term audience demand for quality content." (Summary, p.4)
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"Exploring the ways in which language and conflict are intertwined and interrelated, this book examines the changes that have taken place in the public discourse of the Ukraine and Russia since 2014 and the beginning of the 'Ukrainian Crisis.' Through analysis of the narratives constructed by differ...ent social groups in Ukraine, Language of Conflict shows how discourse can illuminate the competing worldviews and the conflicting positions of the various stakeholders in this conflict. Through critical discourse analysis and multimodality, this book explores the prevalent narratives and the linguistic features of the salient discourses surrounding this conflict. Using Russian- and Ukrainian-language texts from traditional and social media, contributors from Ukraine, Russia and beyond investigate discourses surrounding the most important topics of the crisis: its causes and goals, the sides, and the values and ideologies of the opposing parties. Highlighting the ways in which the stress produced by social discord, economic hardship and violence, is reflected in verbal aggression, slurs, insults and profane language of extraordinary linguistic creativity, Language of Conflict provides insight into the ways people think about, respond to and experience the reality of conflict in their everyday communication." (Publisher)
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"This book maps complex ethical dilemmas in social justice research practices in media and communication. Contributors critically analyse power dynamics that arise when building equitable research relations with media activists, social movements, and cultural producers, considering issues of access,... control, affective labour, reciprocal critiques, and movement pedagogies. Authors probe the ethical challenges faced when horizontal relations inadvertently create conflicts leading to oppressive communication; when affective demands generate non-reciprocal relations of care; and when participant anonymity has to be balanced with self-expression and voice. Chapters explore engagements with digital technologies in developing research relations, covering new research practices from horizontal collectives to dialogical auto-ethnography; from community scholarship and pedagogies to decolonising research." (Publisher)
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"Computational propaganda is an emergent form of political manipulation that occurs over the Internet. The term describes the assemblage of social media platforms, autonomous agents, algorithms, and big data tasked with the manipulation of public opinion. Our research shows that this new mode of int...errupting and influencing communication is on the rise around the globe. Advances in computing technology, especially around social automation, machine learning, and artificial intelligence mean that computational propaganda is becoming more sophisticated and harder to track at an alarming rate. This introduction explores the foundations of computational propaganda. It describes the key role that automated manipulation of algorithms plays in recent efforts to control political communication worldwide. We discuss the social data science of political communication and build upon the argument that algorithms and other computational tools now play an important political role in areas like news consumption, issue awareness, and cultural understanding. We unpack the key findings of the nine country case studies that follow—exploring the role of computational propaganda during events from local and national elections in Brazil to the ongoing security crisis between Ukraine and Russia. Our methodology in this work has been purposefully mixed, we make use of quantitative analysis of data from several social media platforms and qualitative work that includes interviews with the people who design and deploy political bots and disinformation campaigns. Finally, we highlight original evidence about how this manipulation and amplification of disinformation is produced, managed, and circulated by political operatives and governments and describe paths for both democratic intervention and future research in this space." (Abstract)
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"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s...ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (p.3)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi...ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, p.6)
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"The crisis in Ukraine has accentuated the position of Russian television as the government’s strongest asset in its information warfare. The internet, however, allows other players to challenge the Kremlin’s narrative by providing counter-narratives and debunking distorted information and fake ...images. Accounting for the new media ecology—through which strategic narratives are created and interpreted, this article scrutinizes the narratives of allegedly fake news on Channel One, perceiving the fabricated stories as extreme projections of Russia’s strategic narratives, and the attempts of the Ukrainian fact-checking website Stopfake.org to counter the Russian narrative by refuting misinformation and exposing misleading images about Ukraine. Secondly, it analyses how Twitter users judged the veracity of these news stories and contributed to the perpetuation of strategic narratives." (Abstract)
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"In this issue we discuss some of the arguments and debates related to the highly charged and topical issue of Russia’s strategic narrative and how it is disseminated. Propaganda, in numerous forms, creates a barrier to more constructive engagement and dialogue. This issue’s contributors find th...at Russia’s narrative is based on notions of encirclement by the West as part of a deliberate containment strategy that Russia feels duty bound to resist if it is to remain a great power. The West, for its part, acknowledges Russia’s power status and its legitimate right to seek such status, but questions the means it uses to that end. Propaganda constructs an artificial information reality and sows doubt by questioning the very existence of objective, reliable and credible facts. It can mobilize popular support against an external threat, as well as toward a positive goal. Propaganda thrives when notions of journalistic objectivity are sacrificed. The notion that there must be two sides to any given issue or event can undermine rational conclusions when one side relies on the power of implausible denials and direct lies. “You have your truth, and I have mine” is the mantra and motto of contemporary Russian information warfare." (Director's letter, p.4)
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"Use of Ukrainian vs. Russian in news content is not important for the vast majority of adults; trust in content is key to reliance on sources. Ukrainian TV channels remain the top news sources for adults across ethnic groups and regions (other than Crimea), and offer news trusted by large majoritie...s overall, and by over half of ethnic Russians. 5Kanal's weekly reach has surged closer to those of top channels, but is a top news source for fewer in the south and, as with 1+1, in the East. Will the rise of Vkontakte, ukr.net, Ukrainska Pravda, Hromadske.tv and other digital media as top news sources continue? Will major changes in the media Crimeans use for news last? Will other websites follow VKontakte into the list of top sources there?" (Media Landscape Summary, p.21)
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"Television is the dominant news medium in Ukraine. Almost all Ukrainians (96.8%) watch TV for news at least weekly, including 95.7% of Crimeans. The Internet has overtaken radio and print media as the second most dominant news source in the country, with about half (48.3%) going online for news at ...least weekly. Radio and newspapers are each used weekly for news by close to one-third of the population (36.5% and 33.8%, respectively). In Crimea and Ukraine’s southern and eastern regions, pro-Russian sentiment is strongest and some Ukrainian analogue broadcasts have been blocked and replaced by Russian broadcasts. In these regions, most residents use either a satellite dish for TV reception (19.8%), or an Internet connection directly to the TV or through another device (38.5%). Only about one in five Crimeans (18.7%) say the cessation of some Ukrainian TV channels in Crimea has changed their news-gathering habits. Most of those whose habits have changed (71.1%) say they are using Russian sources more often; just 5.8% are using other foreign sources more." (p.1)
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"Western donor interventions to establish and develop an independent media landscape in Ukraine have been successful overall. Multiple Western donors have helped to support the development of civil society in Ukraine and the development of its independent media system. The political landscape, speci...fically the fact that that between 2005 and 2010 the Ukrainian Government did not interfere with independent media development and the fact that journalists and the editors enjoyed relative freedom encouraged the further development of the media. Some claim that the pro-democratic political regime was instrumental in ensuring that independent media flourished after the Orange revolution. However, this development would not have been possible without Western donor investment in the independent media and in journalism training that have been made in Ukraine from the early 1990s until the present. Most importantly, over the last six years, because of a pro-democratic leadership and indirect political pressure from the European Union on Ukraine, which wants to join the European Union, Ukrainian media and NGOs have been able to develop and flourish and are having a clear, visible impact as government watchdogs and as a barometer for the development of civil society. However, after 2010, since the beginning of the Yanukovich presidency, these watchdog functions started to diminish. Civil society in Ukraine, although still fragile, has made significant progress in recent years, and media outlets and NGOs have played a central role in its development. Donor support has been influential in the establishment and the development of the vast majority of media monitoring organizations, media and journalist training organizations, media NGOs and to a lesser extent, independent media outlets in Ukraine. Many independent media in Ukraine today exist because of the grant aid they received over the years." (Executive summary, p.4)
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