"The mapping shows that the funding opportunities for media development and journalism support in the Asia region are concentrated in six countries of South Asia (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) and four countries of Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Myanmar, Indonesia and the
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Philippines), with large grants predominantly packaged as broader civil society-focused development interventions on democracy and human rights that also include provisions for media support. The funding situation was disrupted by the U.S. funding freeze on foreign aid initiated in January 2025 and will continue to affect the media development landscape in Asia for the foreseeable future. Core institutional assistance to independent news media organisations and local media development organisations remains limited, even though new mechanisms during 2020-24 such as the Google News Initiative’s Innovation Challenge and the Media Development Investment Fund’s Amplify Asia programme have provided significant but highly competitive opportunities for local independent news media in the region. Media development aid transparency is still limited and many notable funders do not provide disaggregated data on funding awards, thereby limiting the potential data and impact of such mapping exercises." (Conclusions)
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"Proposal 1: Bring democracy support and protection to the core of EU external action and implement this strategic priority in EU foreign relations with Africa (and worldwide). Proposal 2: Develop a new narrative and more strategic approach to democracy support in a geopolitical context where democr
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acy is increasingly being undermined from within in (former) democratic countries and challenged from the outside by powerful authoritarian regimes. Proposal 3: Address the impacts of demographic change, urbanisation, digitalisation and climate change on political regimes through EU democracy support. Proposal 4: Invest more in intermediary organisations (media, parties, CSOs, trade unions, business councils) and in the democratic accountability of sectoral policies. Proposal 5: Intensify support for civic education and launch new initiatives to strengthen transnational relations between African and European societies. Proposal 6: Engage more strategically in contexts where authoritarian regimes suddenly open up or where electoral autocracies gradually close political spaces. Proposal 7: Continue and deepen cooperation with African regional organisations and put more emphasis on joint learning and practices for defending democracy. Proposal 8: Create a different institutional set-up that allows the EU to engage more strategically in democratic reforms. Proposal 9: Increase the capacities of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the Directorate-General for International Cooperation and Development (DEVCO) to work on democracy support. Proposal 10: Develop a joint European approach towards democracy support that is sustained by all European countries." (Executive summary)
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"Experts from 13 countries in the Middle East and North Africa agreed on the priorities that could provide the basis for greater collective action to defend independent media in the region. This report provides a summary of those deliberations [...] Building on and strengthening cross-country networ
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ks and exchanges would increase opportunities to learn, build partnerships, and coordinate strategies for media reforms. Such networks and exchanges should cut across sectors and engage diverse actors to enable a holistic approach to improving the enabling environment for media in the region. Strong regional voices for independent media are also important to ensuring that global support to the media sector is targeted and effective. Taking into account the complexity of the crisis and the diversity of experiences, the group identified four paramount challenges that could provide the basis for greater cross-border collaboration in support of independent media in the region: Fighting media capture through transparency, public pressure, and public education; Promoting economic sustainability for independent media under threat; Establishing self-regulation: capacity building and ethical norms; Building stronger solidarity against repression and for reform." (Key findings)
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"West Africa sits at a critical juncture that will determine whether the coming years are spent defending against reversals in media freedom and pluralism, or moving forward toward new and lasting progress. In this context, the Media Foundation for West Africa consulted stakeholders from all 16 coun
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tries of the West Africa region on the question of how cross-border coalitions can help to promote a robust and independent press. This report puts forward a vision for such a region-wide strategy, and how it can coordinate the efforts of civil society organizations, media actors, government allies, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Specifically, the report highlights four concrete actions that could be taken as the foundation for such a coordinated, regional strategy: 1. Formulate a network of media freedom and governance groups and enter into a memorandum of understanding with ECOWAS; 2. Initiate a process and strategy for supplemental protocols and a subsequent legislative review to align national legislation; 3. Commission comprehensive regional research to provide contextually relevant recommendations on media sustainability interventions; 4. Integrate capacity-building efforts into broader governance agendas, including elections and peace-building." (Key findings)
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"The report is written from a media perspective and focuses on regional media initiatives and challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa. Seven focus areas that are instrumental for the future of quality journalism have been investigated: Professionalism – capacity to demand accountability; Gender and media
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; Financial sustainability and media diversity; Access to information; Safety of journalists; Social media, disinformation and online harassment; Media self-regulation and ethics. In the second part of the study, focus is set on what donors should consider when reviewing how regional media initiatives and processes can contribute to democracy and accountability. This second part can be seen as connecting local and national media stakeholders with regional initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa as well as to the ongoing global dialogue on the need for increased media development, manifested at the international meeting organised by CIMA and Sida in Paris in March 2019. The report lists seven recommendations on entry points: 1. Step up regional media support; 2. Focus on integrated, comprehensive regional approaches; 3. Stimulate regional coalition building; 4. Support regional innovative initiatives that demand accountability; 5. Prioritise regional support that promotes financial sustainability for the media; 6. Strengthen regional support for institution building, supporting self-regulation and ethics; 7. Fund regional processes that are anchored in national and local initiatives aiming at building trust and giving voice to the excluded." (Executive summary)
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"This books draws a comparative balance of twenty years' international media assistance in the five countries of the Western Balkans. The central question was what happens to imported models when they are transposed onto the newly evolving media systems of transitional societies. Albania, Bosnia-Her
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zegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia undertook a range of media reforms to conform with accession requirements of the European Union and the standards of the Council of Europe, among others. The essays explore the nexus between the democratic transformation of the media and international media assistance. The cross-national analysis concludes that the effects of international assistance are highly constrained by the local context. From today's vantage point it becomes obvious, that scaling media assistance does not necessarily improve outcomes. The experiences in the region suggest that imported solutions have not been very cognitive in all aspects of local conditions but international strategies tend to be rather schematic and lacked strategic approaches to promote media policy stability, credible media reform and implementation. The book offers valuable insights into the nature and effects of media assistance and the strategies deployed by international aid agencies, local political forces, media professionals, civil society organizations and other actors." (Publisher description)
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"¿Cuál ha sido el papel de la cooperación internacional en la configuración de las prácticas, investigación, educación y políticas de comunicación en América Latina desde los años 70? Argumento que la ayuda extranjera a la comunicación en América Latina fue crucial para: (1) desarrollar
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las principales instituciones del campo de la comunicación regional; (2) promover intelectuales, activistas y políticos tanto en el campo de la comunicación como en el político; y (3) potenciar organizaciones que tuvieron impacto en las reformas de las políticas de comunicación durante los últimos 15 años. La asistencia internacional ha ayudado a promover actores asociados a modelos participativos, al tiempo que promueve políticas modernizadoras." (Resumen)
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"In the 1990s following the collapse of the Berlin Wall in Germany and the death of Apartheid in South Africa, several cross-national initiatives were undertaken in Africa to strengthen the role of the media in nascent democracies. Some 30 years later, several of these initiatives are dead while the
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surviving ones are on the brink of folding. This discussion takes a critical historic synopsis by exploring the conjectural and chronological foundations for such media initiatives, in particular, in the Southern African Development Community [MISA, SAMDEF and NSJ Centre]. It concludes that while much was accomplished, these foreign-inspired endeavours are no longer valid, useable or germane and ought to be abandoned. That way, Africa shall define its own urgencies, priorities and destiny without the external stimulus." (Abstract)
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"More than US $441 million was spent on media development worldwide in 2012, with African countries receiving 28% of that amount. This funding came from a variety of sources, including both established Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries and emerging donors such as China. These countrie
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s and their funds represent a plethora of diverse governmental systems as well as media systems, such as public service broadcasting, privatised media, community media and, in the case of China, state-run media. This paper looks at the divergent approaches to media and development promoted by both DAC countries and China, and how ideologies have led these actors to pursue similar styles of public diplomacy and political intervention through the front of media development aid." (Abstract)
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"Countries in the regions despite extreme diversity share many of the same challenges with their media environments – particularly when it comes to quality content production and distribution, journalist safety and impunity, the enabling legal environment, gender and social inequality as well as m
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edia and information illiteracy. With shrinking spaces for human rights in general and freedom of expression and press freedom in particular, populist politicians on the rise in most countries, “fake news” narratives eating away at trust in the media and audiences that increasingly gravitate online for information and show indifference towards paying for quality content, the media environment faces an overwhelming amount of challenges. At the same time the need for quality public interest journalism founded on ethical principles and rigorous techniques is ever more vital to secure the publics’ access to reliable information so they can contribute to social and human development in line with the ambitions of the Sustainable Development Goals." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"Burundi: even in very difficult situations, SDC partners managed to identify entry points and continue their work. Networking with international media as a source of information is very crucial in such situations. Policy dialogue is also important to work on issues that divide the government and me
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Rwanda: The coaching in situ has so far led to tangible results. However, building capacity and working on the mindset are still needed. The culture of the leader/chief is very strong and weighs strongly on the quality of media work. The economic progress of the country has not had impact on the financial health of media houses. When funding media, it is very important to aim at transformation (transformative funding).
DRC: diversity of media does not necessarily mean diversified information. Professionalization of media is very much needed. Social ownership of community radios would be very useful in increasing access to information, citizen’s engagement and propensity to hold the leaders accountable
Tanzania: on one hand, involving media actors in policy dialogue on legal/policy issues and not dealing them directly with the government has proved very effective (SDC ‘s support to local stakeholders ’actions in policy dialogue on specific issues has been very successful). On the other, at operational level, static framework can hinder effectiveness. The context is constantly changing. This requires flexibility from SDC and calls for embedding learning processes in the programme, having joint reviews annually and adjusting based on lessons learned." (Lessons learned, page 13)
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"Johan Deflander revient sur 25 années d'évolution du secteur radiophonique. Il montre comment les multiples nouveaux opérateurs, nombre d'entre eux se présentant comme la voix des sans voix, ont libéré la parole, mais rencontrent aujourd'hui des problèmes de pérennisation, en raison de leur
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fragilité économique. Il insiste sur l'importance fondamentale, dans cette croissance du secteur radiophonique africain, des interventions des bailleurs de fonds et ONG internationales, en mettant en avant autant les avancées que les effets pervers et les défis que charrie cette dépendance financière." (Introduction, page 7)
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"For this assessment more than 390 surveys were made in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey [...] In addition to the survey a further 150 in-depth interviews were held, complemented by a Focus Group in each country, which
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provided useful background and analytical information for the narrative parts of this report. The baseline assessment focused on the 4 objectives of the Guidelines: 1. Enabling environment and resulting responsibilities of main actors, 2. Advancing media to a modern level of internal governance, 3. Qualitative and trustworthy investigative journalism available to citizens and 4. Increasing capacity and representativeness of journalist professional organisations. In respect of the enabling environment the survey findings show that most countries have made reasonable or good progress in the field of establishing legislation and most have sufficient provisions to guarantee freedom of expression. However, there remains a serious problem in the proper implementation of the legislation ..." (Page 10)
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"All in all, Chinese media development in Africa can be considered as a ‘charm offensive‘ in terrns of its scale and scope, which is characterised by the following: 1) all the projects are mainly government sponsored, strategically engineered and efficiently irnplemented; 2) projects centre arou
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nd infrastructure building and technical support, under the aegis of voluminous investment; 3) all projects and their outcomes have drawn attention around the globe, evoking particularly harsh criticism and even derogatory abuse from Western media and liberal intellectuals who fear that China will colonise Africa, thereby replacing the foundational belief in Western-imported press freedom with the Chinese model of ‘market-driven liberalisation under authoritarian control.‘" (Page 138)
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"Since the early 1990s, media outlets in Sub-Saharan Africa have proliferated extraordinarily, freeing Africa's press and liberating the airwaves from monopoly by the state. This paper summarises these developments and analyses in how far foreign donors were catalysts of this development. Myers desc
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ribes the motives and mechanisms of this aid, and discusses whether media proliferation necessarily led to pluralism and genuine freedom. She concludes that "considering the media sector as part of the wider political economy of a country is becoming more widespread in donor circles and, although there is still room for improvement, there is much greater recognition today that supporting a healthy media is a matter of encouraging a wider enabling environment. This requires attention not just to the media outlets themselves but to the laws on free speech, broadcasting regulations, etc." (CAMECO Update 1-2105)
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"In its political support the Commission will encourage enlargement countries to make legislation more supportive of the media. It will also promote the involvement of media and civil society in the pre-accession process, including in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of sector strategi
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es for EU financial assistance which will be strengthened under IPA II. The Commission's financial assistance will use an appropriate mix of funding instruments to respond to different types of needs and country contexts in a flexible, transparent, cost-effective and results focused manner which also considers the administration burden for the Commission. This will include: aiming for longer term contracts, recognising that capacity building and advocacy work requires time and resources; moving away from project based support to a more flexible approach that fosters partnership and coalition building. It must also be understood that accession-related EU funding is limited in volume and time. Although having been a major donor to Media and Civil Society, the EU cannot and should not aim to fill the funding gap left as other donors exit from the region. As the enlargement countries move towards accession, the Commission will support media organisations become less dependent on international donor funding, including funding from the EU [...] "These guidelines are formulated in the form of a draft results framework. The framework contains goals and results to be achieved by developing and deploying multi-beneficiary and bilateral assistance programmes. Special attention is paid to the aspect of verification: measurable indicators (and benchmarks) are grouped according to particular results to be achieved and possible means of verification (MoV) are identified for each group of indicators. The selection of indicators and MoVs also take into consideration the cost-effectiveness and actual availability of data. Monitoring the guidelines will be supervised by DG ELARG in collaboration with the EU Delegations in the region, international organisations and networks of CSOs already active in media freedom and integrity. The collection of data will include both qualitative and quantitative assessments and will be conducted by means of surveys, peer reviews, independent assessment, etc." (Pages 4-5)
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"L’appui à la couverture médiatique du scrutin vise trois objectifs : offrir une information suffisante au citoyen pour que son choix électoral soit posé en connaissance de cause; garantir le pluralisme à travers la visibilité octroyée aux différentes forces en présence; crédibiliser le
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processus électoral à travers la circulation d’une information fiable permettant aux citoyens de se convaincre de la transparence du scrutin. Un appui efficace à la réalisation de ces objectifs demande une inscription dans le long terme. Il s’agit de modifier durablement les perceptions, les capacités et les pratiques des acteurs concernés avec pour horizon l’échéance électorale. Les médias s’intègrent en outre dans un cadre plus global, mobilisant un large spectre d’acteurs – instance de gestion des élections, parlements, organisations de la société civile, partis politiques, système judiciaire et sécuritaire — dont les objectifs sont parfois contradictoires, interdépendants et s’influencent mutuellement. Mettre l’accent sur ces liens entre médias et autres acteurs de l’élection est également crucial. Le changement politique et social est porté par l’action conjointe des réformateurs au sein de chaque groupe, et de militants dans les zones d’interaction entre ces groupes. Concrètement, s’inscrire dans le long terme et en interaction avec les autres acteurs de l’élection conduit à privilégier une approche dans le cadre du cycle électoral : l’appui aux processus électoraux et l’assistance aux médias en période électorale sont conçus de manière cyclique, d’une échéance à l’autre." (Recommendations, page 24)
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"This article addresses the emerging patterns of contemporary media-based engagements between China and Africa and argues, after an examination of current media systems in both China and Africa, that, despite expressed worries to the contrary, because of reasons spanning from history to geo-politics
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, the Chinese model of media system as it currently stands does not stand a chance, at least in the foreseeable future, to be exported to Africa – a continent whose current media landscape is, and will arguably remain, significantly Western-oriented. The article concludes with a call for scholars to exercise analytical restraint in their examination of the potential impacts of recent China–Africa media relations." (Abstract)
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"This study draws together two bodies of work concerned with media pluralism, effectiveness, development and strengthening in the developing world. One is drawn from UNESCO’s global work on media assessment and impact indicators, the other from AusAID’s Pacific Media and Communications Facility
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(PMCF) Situational Analysis and Needs Assessment (SANA) of the Pacific media sector. Both highlight the role that the media sector can play in processes of development and change, in supporting more effective forms of government and realising human rights. To some extent, the vitality of the media sector itself is regarded as a proxy indicator for the presence of better governance." (Introduction)
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"Recent elections show that despite the apparent diversity of newspapers and broadcasters, political and economic constraints, as well as restricted access to information prevent the development of independent media in Sub-Saharan Africa that can play a part in enlightening citizens", says the autho
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r of this policy brief, and concludes: "Donors must pay more attention to local needs and search for ways to strengthen a pluralist media landscape independent of political parties, governments and the international community. Only such a pluralist landscape will enable the media to contribute to realistic opportunities for democratic power alternations rather than allowing an unbalanced electoral game devoted to maintaining the tenure of the same dominant party." (Page 4)
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