"In July 2018, the government of Uganda implemented a tax on individual users of social media platforms. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in the country, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent. Given that a significant amount of news circulation now
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happens via social media and messaging apps, how might this new tax impact the news media ecosystem? The negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than might be expected. Journalists noted a significant decline in the level of engagement with readers and sources via social media platforms. Traffic to new sites has been only minimally impacted, indicating that sites were not reliant on social media to begin with and/or that many individuals have turned to VPNs to avoid the tax." (Key findings)
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"Since 2013, Bangladesh authorities have used draconian provisions in the Information and Communication Technology Act (ICT Act) to arrest scores of people for political and social commentary critical of the current Awami League government or its leaders. Those targeted have also included journalist
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s and editors arrested for articles critical of government officials or for writing about corruption or maladministration, as well as numerous individuals arrested for allegedly offending religious sentiment or for defamation. 'No Place for Criticism' details dozens of cases since authorities amended the act in 2013 to add harsher penalties and allow the police to make arrests without warrant. Since the Cyber Tribunal was established in 2013, the police submitted 1271 charge sheets to the Cyber Tribunal in Dhaka, most of them under section 57 of the act, a particularly sweeping provision. Many detainees have been held for months without trial. A significant number of those arrested are linked to Bangladesh opposition parties and were detained following complaints to the police by members of the governing Awami League. The government has pledged to replace the ICT Act with a new law, the Digital Security Act, a draft of which is now being considered by parliament. However, the proposed new law in some respects is broader and more open to abuse than the law it seeks to replace, and it continues to violate Bangladesh’s international obligation to protect freedom of speech." (Back cover)
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"A number of recent legislative initiatives on ‘hate speech’, including most prominently the 2017 German NetzDG law on social media, make reference to some forms of self-regulation. Voluntary mechanisms between digital companies and various public bodies addressing ‘hate speech’ and other is
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sues, such as the EU Code of Conduct on hate speech, also make reference to self-regulatory models. However, our analysis of these mechanisms demonstrates that they fail to comply with the requirements of international human rights law. They rely on vague and overbroad terms to identify unlawful content, they delegate censorship responsibilities to social media companies with no real consideration of the lawfulness of content, and they fail to provide due process guarantees. ARTICLE 19 therefore suggests exploring a new model of effective self-regulation for social media. This model could take the form of a dedicated “social media council” – inspired by the effective self-regulation models created to support and promote journalistic ethics and high standards in print media. We believe that effective selfregulation could offer an appropriate framework through which to address the current problems with content moderation by social media companies, including ‘hate speech’ on their platforms, providing it also meets certain conditions of independence, openness to civil society participation, accountability and effectiveness." (Executive summary)
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"This report maps the current landscape in respect of digital rights and online freedom of expression in East, West and Southern Africa. It looks at the trends regarding law and policy developments, as well as recent litigation, within these regions. The report focuses on 18 countries – 6 per regi
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on – and tracks the recent developments that have taken place in these countries. Part I of the report provides an overview of the litigation before the ACHPR and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court) in respect of freedom of expression. Parts II, III and IV of the report look at the trends generally in East, West and Southern Africa respectively, as well as some of the key legal and civil society actors working on digital rights and online freedom of expression, and include a snapshot of some of the notable developments – both positive and negative – that have occurred in the 18 countries under consideration in this report, as well as reflections on opportunities and challenges for vindicating digital rights within each of the countries. Lastly, Part V considers what the next possible opportunities will be for digital rights and online freedom of expression litigation in the region." (Pages 5-6)
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"Como recomendações à reversão do atual processo em curso e para o respeito à legislação para a Internet em vigor no Brasil, sobretudo o Marco Civil da Internet, propomos: A inclusão do modelo de regime público para a prestação do serviço de conexão à Internet, especialmente na presta
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ão de serviço no atacado; A criação de um modelo de plano básico, com preço, velocidade, franquia e qualidade adequados, para que a construção de redes, com recursos públicos, represente ampliação do acesso a todos/as; A separação funcional ou estrutural dos serviços prestados na camada de rede do serviço de conexão, para fins de regulação e incentivo à competição; O investimento na Telebras e a retomada de sua atuação baseada no interesse público e não apenas na rentabilidade econômica; A adequação do modelo de TACs para garantir oferta em áreas de menor interesse econômica; Criação de um fundo garantidor para pequenos provedores de Internet com recursos públicos; Redução da carga tributária incidente sobre o serviço de conexão à Internet; Criação e fortalecimento de instrumentos de transparência, fiscalização das políticas públicas e participação social." (Conclusão e recomendações, página 53)
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"Civil society groups from the Global South are leading the charge to advocate for an Internet that remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The nine case studies highlighted in this report demonstrate various ways groups in different countries have successfully fought for policies and norms that
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strengthen Internet freedom and digital rights. These strategies include awareness-raising, nonviolent direct action, regional and international coalition-building, and strategic litigation." (Key findings)
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"This publication recognizes the principle that “internet policy is social policy”. Accordingly, its core assumption is that internet governance concerns everybody. The stakes are high in today’s digital society. Equitable access to the internet; human and civil rights; the right to social, cu
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ltural, and economic participation; fair trade; and ensuring that the “net of nets” is working smoothly and securely at all times: all are topics that relate to internet governance." (Preface, page 5)
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"This study assesses the Cybercrime Act 2015 and its implications for online press freedom in the liberal authoritarian state of Nigeria. Specifically, the study examines how the character of political leadership in Nigeria leads to wrongful application of the act to undermine the independence of th
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e press. The study shows that Nigeria’s online press freedom index has consistently worsened since the introduction of the Cybercrime Act in 2015, and it recommends the promotion of a holistic democratic project that recognises economic and political freedom as being inextricably linked." (Abstract)
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"The digital convergence means that how the Internet develops going forward — both in terms of policy and technology — will shape the very environment in which all other media operate. This report makes the case to this community that they can, and must, engage in the decision-making bodies that
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are shaping Internet governance (IG) to ensure that the Internet — and the growing media sphere it sustains — remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The media development community can work to improve the global enabling environment for media by actively engaging in Internet governance. Policy issues being discussed at ICANN, IGF, ITU, IETF, and IEEE could greatly benefit from the input of those with media development experience. Multistakeholder Internet governance presents a unique opportunity for the media development community to actively shape the future media ecosystem." (CIMA website)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"Diese Publikation soll deutlich machen: Die Vorstellung einer inhaltlichen Trennung national-europäischer Digitalpolitik von globaler Internet Governance ist nicht nur falsch – sie ist mit Blick auf die zukünftige Regulierung und Entwicklung des Internets auch sehr kurzsichtig. Denn die in den
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nationalen und globalen Gremien diskutierten Fragestellungen unterscheiden sich nur auf den ersten Blick. Tatsächlich handelt es sich um die gleichen technischen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftspolitischen Fragen, diskutiert in verschiedenen Settings und unter Einbeziehung unterschiedlicher Akteure. Nicht selten werden auf einer Ebene Reformvorhaben angestoßen, die auf einer anderen Ebene nicht verfolgt oder nicht sinnvoll umgesetzt werden können. Ein Beispiel dafür führt Hauke Gierow in seinem Beitrag zum Thema Breitbandausbau vor. Das „Recht auf einen Internetzugang“ wurde auf globaler Ebene beschlossen und kodifiziert. Die technische Umsetzung der Versorgung mit Internetzugang obliegt nationalen Bemühungen, privaten Vereinen und Unternehmen. Über das „Wie“ der Umsetzung (zum Beispiel durch Angebote des „Zero-Rating“) wiederum wird ein globaler politischer Diskurs geführt." (Seite 9-10)
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"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"It is precisely to counterbalance what are largely “outsider” views in the main edition of Global Information Society Watch that we wanted this companion edition to capture the origin stories, achievements and challenges of National and Regional IGF Initiative (NRI) in their own words. Their st
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ruggles should not be taken for granted. Behind each are people who have worked extremely hard, dedicating time, most often on a voluntary basis, or on top of already demanding jobs, to convince people to participate, and, particularly challenging, to provide financial support. Like the global Internet Governance Forum (IGF), most NRIs are still learning, trying to be stronger, find their feet, gain legitimacy, and achieve effectively balanced stakeholder participation and debate. They face huge constraints – financial, but also often political. Each has its own dynamics and will follow its own path and will hopefully benefit from the support provided by the IGF Secretariat and the NRI community." (Preface)
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