"Menschenfeindliche und rassistische Äußerungen (Hate Speech) gegenüber religiösen und ethnischen Gruppen im Internet haben sich weltweit massiv ausgebreitet. Das Internet ist weniger ein Ort der multikulturellen Begegnung als des aggressiven Kulturkampfes mit weitreichenden Folgen für gesellsc
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haftliches Handeln von der Diskriminierung bis zur fremdenfeindlichen Gewalt. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich in konzentrierter Form mit unterschiedlichen politikwissenschaftlichen, soziologischen und kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Erklärungsversuchen für die Ursachen der Hasskommunikation. Abgerundet wird der Beitrag durch eine Reflexion über ethische und co-regulative Maßnahmen in einer wehrhaften liberalen Demokratie." (Abstract)
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"Esta guía elaborada por la Fundación Secretariado Gitano (FSG) tiene como objetivo principal ofrecer orientaciones a las organizaciones que trabajan por la igualdad de trato y la no discriminación, a agentes clave y a la ciudadanía, sobre qué es el discurso de odio y cómo combatirlo más efic
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azmente." (Introducción)
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"The aim of this report is to illustrate, on the basis of online hate speech examples from six countries - Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain -, patterns of cyber hate against four communities. The topics that will be subsequently analysed are: antisemitism, antiziganism, h
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omophobia and anti-Muslim hatred. Each section will follow a similar pattern by first offering a definition of the central terms, analysing the context and transnational trends and then highlighting country-specific aspects. The label "country specific" should not imply that those aspects are in any way country exclusive. However, they show different emphasis and peculiarities in the participating countries. This transnational analysis is complemented by national reports de-tailing the information and cases provided by the participating organisations." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The Saudi state has permitted government-appointed religious scholars and clerics and government institutions to refer to religious minorities such as Shia in derogatory terms or demonize them in official documents and religious rulings. In addition, in recent years, government-appointed clerics ha
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ve used the internet and social media to demonize and incite hatred against Shia Muslims and others who do not conform to their views. “They are Not Our Brothers”, is based on an analysis of Saudi clerics’ fatwas and statements, court rulings, and the 2016-17 Ministry of Education religion curriculum. The report documents Saudi religious officials’ incitement to hatred and discrimination; anti-Shia bias in the Saudi criminal judicial system; and the religion curriculum’s use of anti-Shia rhetoric. The report shows how such speech is instrumental in Saudi Arabia’s enforcement of a system of discrimination against Saudi Shia citizens. The report calls on the Saudi authorities to take immediate steps to end the use of hate speech by state-affiliated clerics and governmental agencies. The authorities should also end anti-Shia bias in the justice system, allow Shia to freely practice their religious beliefs on an equal basis with Sunni citizens, and reform the education curriculum to remove anti-Shia elements." (Back cover)
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"Why has the Taliban been so much more effective in presenting messages that resonate with the Afghan population than the United States, the Afghan Government and their allies? This book, based on years of field research and the assessment of hundreds of original source materials, examines the infor
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mation operations and related narratives of Afghan insurgents, especially the Afghan Taliban, and investigates how the Taliban has won the information war. Taliban messaging, wrapped in the narrative of jihad, is both to the point and in tune with the target audiences it wishes to influence. On the other hand, the United States and its Kabul allies committed a basic messaging blunder, failing to present narratives that spoke to or, often, were even understood by their target audiences. Thomas Johnson systematically explains why the United States lost this "battle of the story" in Afghanistan, and argues that this defeat may have lost the U.S. the entire war, despite its conventional and technological superiority." (Publisher description)
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"This preliminary technical report examines the relationship between media uses of Lebanese youth and their potential attraction to extremism—broadly conceived. The study focuses on school students aged 14 to 18 and their teachers. It is based on 16 focus groups distributed across the country and
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covers a total of 80 students and 80 teachers. To research youth’s media uses and their understanding of media and digital literacy, the study examines their use of various media tools: traditional and digital media, as well as social media, games, and smartphones. The qualitative study reveals various types of extremist inclinations among youth, including religious/sectarian, political, familial/tribal, and racial extremism. Some patterns of extremism may be linked to students’ uses of the Internet and social media, as a catalyst or trigger for action. The widespread use of chatting applications shows a potential risk for connection with extremist groups, while the use of violent video games demonstrates a potential link to students’ violent reactions in their communities, as the examples in the report show. Consistently, participating students are especially drawn to violent, horror and action films. The study also reveals that students are less interested in watching television, which has declined in favor of new media platforms. When it comes to policies regarding media uses that aim to protect students from extremism, few schools have them, yet all except one school teacher expressed concerns about their students receiving media messages that incite violent behavior and lead to recruitment by extremist groups. The teachers expressed fear that their students may be potentially encouraged through new media to engage in risky and violent acts, including extremism, terrorism, early sexual behavior, and drug abuse. Despite this fear, findings show that extremism among the young students was the most limited in schools where clear policies regulate media uses, curricula include some digital and media literacy instruction, and teachers follow up with students when they detect signs of extremist behaviors." (Abstract)
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"An app called Telegram is the new hot thing for jihadists to disseminate their propaganda. Terror organizations like the 'Islamic State' (IS) also use this app to win over German us-ers. jugendschutz.net documented a vast amount of graphic content like beheading videos – anyone can use his smartp
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hone to access such content. So far, the provider has taken only little action to protect his young users." (Introduction)
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"This Research Paper aims to analyse in depth the global propaganda strategy of the so-called “Islamic State” (IS) by looking at the methods through which this grand strategy is carried out as well as the objectives that IS wants to achieve through it. The authors first discuss IS’ growth mode
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l, explaining why global expansion and recruitment of foreign fighters are pivotal to IS success. Having in mind this critical role, the authors then explore the narratives and themes used by the group to mobilise foreign fighters and jihadists groups. Third, the paper analyses how IS deploys its narratives in those territories where it has established a foothold. Fourth, it outlines IS’ direct engagement strategy and how it is used to facilitate allegiance of other jihadist groups. The final section of the paper offers a menu of policy options that stakeholders can implement to counter IS’ global propaganda efforts." (Abstract)
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"This report presents the development, deployment, and evaluation of three counternarrative campaigns orchestrated by Against Violent Extremism (AVE) network and Jigsaw (an incubator within Alphabet that uses technology to address geopolitical issues) with additional in-kind and financial support fr
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om Facebook and Twitter. This project builds on the findings of a previous counter-narrative pilot project conducted in 2014 and attempts to find ways to achieve greater scale, authenticity, efficiency, reach, and impact. The key objectives of this project were to: Assist a wide geographic, ideological, and cultural variety of small non-profit organisations to develop and disseminate counter-narrative content to target audiences by utilising a variety of social media advertising tools; Analyse the strengths, weaknesses, and overall effectiveness of different social media platforms to facilitate reach and engagement among target audiences; and provide guidance to build the capacity of similar non-profit organisations to produce effective counter-narrative content in the future by creating ‘how-to’ videos and a counter-narrative ‘toolkit’. To achieve these objectives, AVE identified two pre-existing organisations and assisted them in the creation of counter-narrative content along with the development and execution of a target audience strategy. In the third example, AVE created a fronting organisation from scratch, building a brand through multiple accounts across multiple platforms in response to security concerns from the third party organisation [...] Our hypothesis was that a small amount of funding and guidance for counter-narrative campaigners, in terms of deploying social media advertising tools to reach ‘target audiences’, could dramatically improve the awareness, engagement and impact of counter-narratives and NGOs working in this space. The findings presented in this report support this hypothesis in a highly compelling way." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"Contrary to dominant views within international law and institutions, it is never democratically legitimate to punish citizens solely for repulsive or dangerous viewpoints expressed within public discourse. With the controversial exception of the US, however, most states prohibit some forms of raci
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st, sexist, anti-religious, homophobic, or other intolerant speech. Hateful expression surely does afflict many of the people it targets. Most democracies therefore describe bans as—perhaps not always effective, but certainly symbolic—tools for defending the safety and equality of all citizens. Democracies must certainly promote pluralism, then, through comprehensive non-discrimination policies governing education, employment, and access to goods and services. States must promote values of equal citizenship through primary schooling and public interest campaigns, and must support models of best practice within the mass media. It is also legitimate for states to punish hate speech promulgated outside public discourse, as in situations involving harassment or so-called ‘fighting words’. Hate speech bans may even offer legitimate means of enhancing state security in unstable situations, as have at times arisen, for example, in India, Israel, Northern Ireland, or transitional democracies. Hate speech bans may genuinely enhance elements of state security, then, but they never enhance its democracy. We have overlooked that distinction through our failure to distinguish the three very distinct spheres of security, rights, and democracy. Those security or rights-based criteria which legitimate a state as a state are not the same as those which legitimate it as a democracy." (Publisher description)
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"This report describes how media development practitioners perceive the expansion of the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agenda’s influence into various aspects of their field, and the different and sometimes ambivalent ways in which they respond to these perceptions. Two conclusions emerge str
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ongly from these interviews. The first is that the efforts to distance CVE conceptually from media development are not providing the guidance needed to navigate an increasingly blurry line between the two fields in practice. The second is that audience reception studies and investments in media information literacy are needed, yet receive inadequate attention in CVE efforts and funding." (Conclusion)
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"Instead of seeking to provide an objective definition of hate speech, the paper’s empirical approach highlights that context matters. More specifically, analysis of the political and socio-economic context in which the speech act occurs and consideration of the nature of the speaker and audience
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– including their impact and transmission – allows for a nuanced and informed approach to evaluate hate speech, and how this impacts democratisation processes. The paper presents: a general discussion of freedom of speech and its relationship with hate speech; a brief discussion on the definitions of hate speech and international legislation; a short discussion of hate speech in the four country contexts of the MeCoDEM project: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa." (Executive summary)
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"Part I focuses on 'Counter-Narratives', looking at the evidence relating to strategic policy communication strategies and counter-propaganda techniques. This reflects literature from policymakers, think-tanks, and civil society initiatives rather than the academic literature base. Current literatur
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e and policy concerned with countering propaganda is dominated by the language of ‘counter-narratives’ but a common understanding of this relatively new lexicon has yet to emerge. There is little hard evidence that proves interaction with VE content leads to participation in VE activities [...] Part II looks at “Alternative Approaches” to the use of the media to counter violent extremism, drawing on insights from the “media development” and “media assistance” sectors, and research into whether mass media and new communication interventions can inhibit identity-based violence in certain crisis situations. The theoretical foundations for these alternative approaches are supported by a stronger and more established research base, drawn from the multi-disciplinary fields of development, peace building, and social cohesion. Media projects have less impact if seen to be linked to a political agenda. A growing evidence base suggests that radio and television drama addressing issues of identity, reconciliation and tolerance have a positive an impact on public attitudes and behaviour. Media assistance can ensure that local and domestic media can respond appropriately to VE narratives." (Executive summary)
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"The aim of this handbook is to provide civil society campaigners with the knowledge and skills they need to undertake high quality counter-narrative campaign evaluations. It presents model frameworks and case studies of successful counter-narrative M&E, as well as a range of useful tools and resour
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ces that counter-narrative campaigners can use to support their M&E efforts, including: A description of key metrics and how to interpret them; An explanation of various research methods that can be used in online M&E; Guidance on potential risks and ethical considerations for counter-narrative M&E; A flexible M&E framework that can provide a starting point for evaluation planning; Three case study examples of high quality counter-narrative campaign evaluations; A glossary of key M&E terms; • An index of useful online M&E tools." (Page 3)
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