"The pack provides easy access to various types of resources (tools, reports, toolkits, journal articles, etc.) that can support the development of tactics and plans to counter misinformation. The pack also provides a summary of what the research indicates as potential solutions to tackle misinforma
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tion." (About tis resource pack)
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"Using data from preregistered survey experiments conducted around recent elections in the United States and India, we assess the effectiveness of an intervention modeled closely on the world’s largest media literacy campaign, which provided “tips” on how to spot false news to people in 14 cou
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ntries. Our results indicate that exposure to this intervention reduced the perceived accuracy of both mainstream and false news headlines, but effects on the latter were significantly larger. As a result, the intervention improved discernment between mainstream and false news headlines among both a nationally representative sample in the United States (by 26.5%) and a highly educated online sample in India (by 17.5%). This increase in discernment remained measurable several weeks later in the United States (but not in India). However, we find no effects among a representative sample of respondents in a largely rural area of northern India, where rates of social media use are far lower." (Abstract)
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"This paper provides a holistic policy approach to the challenge of disinformation by exploring a range of governance responses that rest on the open government principles of transparency, integrity, accountability and stakeholder participation. It offers an analysis of the significant changes that
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are affecting media and information ecosystems, chief among them the growth of digital platforms. Drawing on the implications of this changing landscape, the paper focuses on four policy areas of intervention: public communication for a better dialogue between government and citizens; direct responses to identify and combat disinformation; legal and regulatory policy; and media and civic responses that support better information ecosystems. The paper concludes with proposed steps the OECD can take to build evidence and support policy in this space." (Abstract)
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"The spread of misinformation on Facebook in Bangladesh, a country with a population of over 163 million, has resulted in chaos, hate attacks, and killings. By interviewing journalists, fact-checkers, in addition to surveying the general public, we analyzed the current state of verifying misinformat
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ion in Bangladesh. Our findings show that most people in the ‘news audience’ want the news media to verify the authenticity of online information that they see online. However, the newspaper journalists say that fact-checking online information is not a part of their job, and it is also beyond their capacity given the amount of information being published online every day. We further find that the voluntary fact-checkers in Bangladesh are not equipped with sufficient infrastructural support to fill in this gap. We show how our findings are connected to some of the core concerns of CSCW (Computer-Supported Collaborative Work and Social Computing) community around social media, collaboration, infrastructural politics, and information inequality. From our analysis, we also suggest several pathways to increase the impact of fact-checking efforts through collaboration, technology design, and infrastructure development." (Abstract)
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"Neben Fake News transportieren Verschwörungsideologien Inhalte, die die Grundwerte offener und demokratischer Gesellschaften angreifen. Folgende Fragen helfen dabei zu verstehen, was hinter den Erzählungen steckt: Wird ein Feindbild konstruiert und wenn ja, wie? Werden antisemitische, rassistisch
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e, antifeministische oder andere Stereotype bedient? Ist nachvollziehbar, woher die Informationen stammen und wodurch sie gestützt werden? Ist die Darstellung sehr einseitig und meinungsbasiert? Wirkt die Darstellung manipulativ? Ist die Sprache z. B. sehr extrem und stark emotional aufgeladen? Mündet die Verschwörungserzählung in einen Appell? Falls ja, in welchen? Welches Verhalten wird durch die Argumentation legitimiert? Und ist man damit einverstanden? Auf Basis dieser Fragen kann Kritik an dem geübt werden, was Verschwörungsideologien gefährlich macht, nämlich ihre menschenfeindlichen Aussagen und die daraus folgende Legitimation von gewaltvollem Verhalten bis hin zu Terrorakten." (Seite 6)
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"Russia has operationalized the concept of perpetual adversarial competition in the information environment by encouraging the development of a disinformation and propaganda ecosystem that allows for varied and overlapping approaches that reinforce each other even when individual messages within the
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system appear contradictory. This ecosystem reflects both the sources of disinformation and propaganda—official government statements, state-funded media outlets, proxy websites, bots, false social media personas, cyber-enabled disinformation operations, etc.—and the different tactics that these channels use. Russia’s willingness to employ this approach provides it with three perceived advantages. First, it allows for the introduction of numerous variations of the same false narratives. This allows for the different pillars of the ecosystem to fine tune their disinformation narratives to suit different target audiences because there is no need for consistency, as there would be with attributed government communications. Second, it provides plausible deniability for Kremlin officials when proxy sites peddle blatant and dangerous disinformation, allowing them to deflect criticism while still introducing pernicious information. Third, it creates a media multiplier effect among the different pillars of the ecosystem that boost their reach and resonance. The media multiplier effect can, at times, create disinformation storms with potentially dangerous effects for those Russia perceives as adversaries at the international, national, and local level. In the past, Russia has leveraged this dynamic to shield itself from criticism for its involvement in malign activity. This approach also allows Russia to be opportunistic, such as with COVID-19, where it has used the global pandemic as a hook to push longstanding disinformation and propaganda narratives [...] This report provides a visual representation of the ecosystem described above, as well as an example of the media multiplier effect it enables. This serves to demonstrate how the different pillars of the ecosystem play distinct roles and feed off of and bolster each other. The report also includes brief profiles of select proxy sites and organizations that occupy an intermediate role between the pillars of the ecosystem with clear links to Russia and those that are meant to be fully deniable." (Pages 5-7)
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"In diesem Buch werden in 18 Kapiteln Phänomene der Kommunikation im digitalen Zeitalter vorgestellt und die psychologischen Hintergründe anhand von wissenschaftlichen Theorien und Analysen erörtert. Viele Menschen sind verunsichert durch eine Medienwelt, die unausgewogen erscheint (Fake News, L
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genpresse), in der man durch Clickbait manipuliert wird und in der Social Bots bald nicht mehr einfach von echten Chatpartnern zu unterscheiden sind. Abseits aller Hysterie erhalten die Leserinnen und Leser Einblick in faszinierende Erkenntnisse der Psychologie, mit deren Hilfe sich die schillernden Phänomene der Kommunikation im digitalen Zeitalter besser verstehen lassen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"With their heavily censored and restricted civil societies at home, China and Russia exploit the asymmetry of democratic systems by targeting open information environments, freedom of expression, participatory civic discourse, and pluralistic and fluid politics. Democracies have unique vulnerabilit
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ies to malign influence activities, but they also have unique and durable strengths. Transparency, rule of law, a free press, and democratic norms—hallmarks of democratic states—foster resilience against malign foreign influence. In the near term, it may be more important for democracies to redouble their efforts to build up their strengths than to reduce their vulnerabilities." (Conclusion)
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"This article brings the results of an investigation into the role of WhatsApp audio messages in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, proposing that instant voice messaging borrows elements from radio language. We started from a broader research, conducted by the Brazilian National Institute o
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f Science and Technology in Digital Democracy (INCT.DD, in its Portuguese acronym), which identified a network composed of 220 WhatsApp groups – all of them with open-entry links – supporting six different candidates. Those groups put together thousands of anonymized profiles linked through connections to similar groups, configuring an extensive network. More than 1 million messages, including 98,000 audios, were gathered and downloaded during 2018 Brazilian electoral period (from June to October). We focused on eighteen audios with major circulation (totalling 3622 appearances) among the ones shared at least 100 times, which were extracted and analysed. The use of radio content analysis techniques pointed out strong evidence that audio messaging remediate radiophonic elements such as intimacy and colloquial language to accelerate disinformation campaigns." (Abstract)
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"European Parliament resolution of 25 November 2020 on strengthening media freedom: the protection of journalists in Europe, hate speech, disinformation and the role of platforms (2020/2009(INI))." (Introduction)
"Just because the effectiveness of disinformation may be tied to innate aspects of human psychology does not mean that democratic societies are powerless to respond. Rather, civil society, journalists, and other stakeholders invested in the freedom and openness of the global information space should
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develop innovative adaptations to the contemporary, disinformation-rich information landscape by bearing in mind key insights from the 'demand' side of this challenge: passive and active demand for disinformation; disinformation as a global phenomenon; accounting for psychology in fact-checking initiatives; mistrust vs. media literacy; the impact of emerging technologies on the disinformation crisis." (Executive summary)
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"According to neo-institutional theory, the survival of institutions in society is predicated on a cultural discourse. Dubbed “the institutional myth,” this discourse reflects the core values, practices and aspirations of an institution and legitimizes its existence to internal and external stak
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eholders alike. In this paper we suggest that recent attacks on mainstream news outlets—notably President Trump’s accusations that they constitute “fake news”—have led journalists to defend the journalistic institutional myth as part of their efforts to re-legitimize their profession. Our findings indicate that journalists seek to bolster and uphold their institutional myth through a range of discursive strategies ranging from highlighting established journalistic norms and practices and emphasizing journalism’s central role in the maintenance of democracy, to attacking the accuser and calls to action in which journalists make a case for ignoring the president’s rhetorical assaults and continuing to do their job." (Abstract)
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"Auf der ganzen Welt nutzen unterschiedlichste Akteure die Wirkungsmechanismen der digitalen Medien aus, um durch gezielte Desinformationskampagnen die öffentliche Meinung zu beeinflussen. Dies, so lautet die zentrale These von Peter Pomerantsev, bedrohe Demokratien und Demokratisierungsprozesse. W
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o früher Informationen durch die Zensur kontrolliert wurden, gebe es heute ein Überangebot an Informationen, deren Wahrheitsgehalt immer schwerer feststellbar ist. Dadurch ginge das Vertrauen in eine gemeinsam gelebte und objektiv überprüfbare Wirklichkeit als Voraussetzung öffentlicher Meinungs- und Willensbildung zunehmend verloren. Autokratische Regime hätten es so leichter, Narrative zu verbreiten, die das Ziel haben, politische Gegner zu schwächen, missliebige Journalistinnen und Journalisten zu diskreditieren oder zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen zu delegitimieren. Kriege wie der in der Ostukraine würden heutzutage nicht durch Schusswaffen, sondern durch Troll-Armeen, Cybermilizen und Facebook-Posts entschieden. Auf seinen Reisen taucht Pomerantsev in die grenzenlose Welt der Internetaktivistinnen und -aktivisten ein und zeigt die lokalen Folgen davon auf, wenn sie Kategorien wie Wahrheit und Lüge ins Wanken bringen." (Klappentext)
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"Todo se inició, en verdad, cuando tuve el encargo, en mi calidad de consultor internacional, de realizar una serie de entrevistas en torno a la desinformación en Venezuela con expertos venezolanos en temas comunicacionales y políticos. Las transcripciones de aquellas notas de voz, que se hiciero
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n en respuesta a unas mismas preguntas aplicadas a los consultados de seguidas, me parecieron sumamente pertinentes. Entonces pensé que no se debían quedar solamente como material base para la elaboración de un proyecto. Así surgió la idea de este libro heterodoxo. Tenía un grupo de respuestas y refl exiones que me parecían pertinentes para la divulgación pública. Esto ha cobrado forma como la primera parte de este libro. La desinformación, por otro lado, pasó a ser un asunto que he ido abordando con mayor énfasis en 2020, y que espero pueda seguir siendo foco de mi interés analítico. Si bien había abordado el fenómeno en años anteriores, es desde el año de esta obra, teniendo a la pandemia como telón de fondo, en que comencé a mirarlo con más atención. Terminó de empujarme la gentil solicitud que me hicieron Paula Quinteros y Omar Lugo, fundadora-propietaria y director del sitio web de noticias El Estímulo, respectivamente, quienes me solicitaron una serie de artículos sobre la desinformación en Venezuela. En total, escribí diez textos periodísticos. En cada artículo, utilicé informes o documentación específi ca que me ayudará a sustentar la óptica específi ca expresada en cada texto. Decidí tomar esos artículos, que ofrecen diversas aristas relacionadas con cómo se vive la desinformación en Venezuela, para conformar una segunda parte de este libro." (Página 7-8)
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"Disinformation in armed conflict may pose several distinctive forms of harm to civilians: exposure to retaliatory violence, distortion of information vital to securing human needs, and severe mental suffering. The gravity of these harms, along with the modern nature of wartime disinformation, is ou
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t of keeping with the traditional classification of disinformation in international humanitarian law (IHL) as a permissible ruse of war. A patchwork set of protections drawn from IHL, international human rights law and international criminal law may be used to limit disinformation operations during armed conflict, but numerous gaps and ambiguities undermine the force of this legal framework, calling for further scholarly attention and clarification." (Abstract)
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"This handbook and additional dossiers, freely available at the Digital Resistance project homepage (www.digi-res.eu), provide all the information teachers need to conduct a short module on the topic of “fake news” in the classroom or other settings with a group of students aged between 14 and 2
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0 years. The methodology suggested in this handbook can easily be adapted by other actors in the educational sector working in different learning contexts. It begins by providing background knowledge about the topic of fake news and digital competences, followed by guiding steps on how to work on this topic with students in a short module. The learning methodology used is based on enquiry-based learning, so students can be supported to conduct a small-scale research project on a self-chosen topic connected to fake news. Information on this can be found in Chapter 3 of this handbook. In Chapter 5, the concept of peer-to-peer learning is used to set up learning processes between students attending the short module." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"Analyzes current arguments and evidence while providing real-world examples so students can contextualize and visualize the debates. Each chapter addresses important current questions, provides conceptual tools, defines important terms, and introduces the appropriate methods of analysis"--
"Artificially intelligent “bot” accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our
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attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these “lie machines” apart. 'Lie Machines' is full of riveting behind-the-scenes stories from the world’s biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives—including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and explains how to shut them down." (Publisher description)
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"Fake News, also absichtsvoll und zumeist digital verbreitete Falschmeldungen zielen darauf, demokratische Grundprinzipien zu unterminieren. Durch Hass-Inhalte oder als Satire verschleierte Herabsetzung schüren oder verstärken sie Antipathien zwischen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen oder stacheln gar z
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u offener Gewalt an. Patrick Gensing leitet seit 2017 das Projekt ARD-faktenfinder, das Fake News in ihren unterschiedlichen Erscheinungsformen dekonstruiert. Er erläutert, welche Akteure Falschmeldungen einsetzen, welche Intentionen sie dabei verfolgen, welche demokratiegefährdenden Wirkungen Fake News – zumal in polarisierten Gesellschaften – entfalten und welche Möglichkeiten bestehen, dem entgegenzutreten." (Klappentext)
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