"This publication is a collection of a variety of outlooks, recommendations, and input from the participants of the 2020 workshop [for fellows of the CrossCulture Programme (CCP) of the Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen] and others. On the subject of digital access, CCP alumnus Camilo Olea speaks ab
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out the digital divide in Mexico and how his organisation is providing access to indigenous rural communities. The German NGO Superrr demands an open digital infrastructure and more open-source software for a more inclusive digital sphere. Ali (name changed), a Bangladeshi journalist and CCP alumnus, gives an overview of the current state of free speech in Bangladesh. CCP alumna Hend Kheiralla from Sudan shares her view on the role of social media during the Sudanese Revolution and the impact of the internet shutdown. Having experienced severe discrimination online herself, a CCP alumna from Jordan talks about her experiences and the impact of attacks as well as strategies for dealing with them. Love Storm, a German NGO that focuses on countering hatred online, suggests specific measures we can start using directly to create a safe and inclusive online space for everyone." (Editorial, page 3)
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"Public protests, including women-led struggles, are increasingly gaining a foothold in many parts of the world in response to multiple crises and growing exclusion, in a context of fragility. In the global South, most public protests involve temporary, informal coalitions where people come together
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and participate in a one-off event. The fluid nature of political space makes sustaining protests elusive because of protest fatigue. Yet, the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG), a women-led movement, headed a long-term protest that focused on the rights of the girl child to education – a direct response to Boko Haram’s gendered terror tactics, in which girls were abducted, forced t o abandon school, and get married. This article examines when and how movements crystallise into long-term programmes of action in fragile and conflict-affected societies where state–society relations are weak and government is considered to be unresponsive. We use the case of the #BBOG movement, one of Nigeria’s intense social media-driven and womenled action, to examine the mix of pressures it faced, its characteristics, and strategies in situations of fragility, conflict, and closed political spaces. We identify four key strategies that the #BBOG has deployed to keep members coming, garner international support and sympathy, keep pressure on the elite in a safe manner for the movement members, and ensure an independent funding regime for durability and impact. This article finds that #BBOG was able to navigate fragility and the closing civic space in Nigeria by challenging the failure of government to address insecurity in the country, transcending societal barriers including gender, religion, and political class, transnationalising their movement, self-funding, and using social media strategically." (Abstract)
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"This policy brief maps how activists are using technology to pursue public interests in human rights, democracy and a livable environment. It begins with a look at how cell phone tech has upped the outreach and mobilising game for campaigns, dives into digital storytelling and fundraising, explores
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key digital tools for collaboration and training, covers cybersecurity considerations and closes with a broad look at topical creative tech-based nonviolent activist success stories. Though digital tech is no silver bullet for successful campaigns, there are clear uses and recommendations to build power and win with digital technology." (Abstract)
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"[...] This edition of the MFWA’s Media and Governance Series, explores the shrinking civic space in West Africa; the growing issues contributing to the shrinking civic space as well as its impact on the media landscape and citizens. It also suggests key actions required of stakeholders such as go
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vernments, civil society organisations, the media and ECOWAS to stem or reverse the downward trend for a stronger democracy in West Africa." (Introduction, page 4)
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"Civil society technology, or civic tech, is one of the novel notions introduced by the digital age – a new form of social interaction and implementation of fundamental human rights. The dominating discourse that civic tech is about optimising and digitising public services is challenged by the ex
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amples of autocracies, like Belarus, where the rise of civic tech initiatives pre-, mid-, and post- the 2020 presidential election present examples of digital resistance to repressive state policies. In this paper, we seek to analyse the notion of civic tech in Belarus, identify its distinctive features, the role it plays as a tool of digital resistance, and the impact it has on human rights." (Page 1)
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"Media Culture in Nomadic Communities examines the ways that new technologies and ICT infrastructures have changed the communicative norms and patterns that regulate mobile and nomadic communities' engagement in local and international deliberative decision making. Each chapter examines a unique com
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municative event, such has how the Maasai of Tanzania have used online petitions to demand government action. How Mongolians in northern China have used micro blogs to record and debate land tenure. And how herding communities from around the world have supported the Lakota Sioux protests at Standing Rock. Through these case studies, Hahn argues that mobile and nomadic communities are creating and utilizing new communicative networks that are radically changing local, national, and international deliberations." (Publisher description)
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"Journalists alone cannot save journalism, and civil society activists and human rights defenders alone cannot defend civil space. This is why multi-stakeholder coalitions, as well as regional and international networks, constitute an essential pathway to identify and deliver solutions to the comple
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x challenges confronting both media systems and civil society. Coalitions can provide opportunities for media and civil society to work in a more strategic and coordinated manner on relevant issues, and to build the political will needed to sustain progress." (Page 3)
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"En los artículos se destaca el papel del periodismo comunitario en la construcción de la ciudadanía y la democracia, la importancia del periodismo cívico en la experiencia de Radio Quillabamba, se averigua sobre las implicancias de la relación entre periodismo y medio ambiente. También se ana
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liza el sensacionalismo en la construcción mediática de la mujer, el discurso de las imágenes en relación con los indígenas amazónicos en el caso Bagua y los paradigmas sobre los sujetos y efectos de la comunicación. Los temas de estos artículos convergen en la cultura colectiva como escenarios y expresión de sujetos sociales que buscan dar a conocer sus culturas y necesidades sociales, también la importancia del periodismo social comprometido con las agendas ciudadanas; por otro lado, se presentan el sensacionalismo y los discursos estereotipados, como problemas de representación de las mujeres y los indígenas limitándolos a representaciones banalizadas y secundarias en las agendas mediáticas y los imaginarios sociales." (Presentación, página 6)
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"The 20 October 2021 marks the first anniversary of the shooting of unarmed protesters by the Nigerian military. The movement pushing to abolish the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) has proved how social media can make the voices of the weak heard. However, recent developments surrounding social me
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dia regulations in the aftermath of the shooting show that the right to freedom of expression is at risk of regression." (Abstract)
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"This book frames digital sovereignty as a right to be claimed and a process constantly in the making, as a condition of the ability to critically partake in the digital transformation. Emphasizing a political and transformative significance of the term, this interdisciplinary publication gathers sc
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holars, activists, artists and human rights advocates who develop practices or provide spaces and structures to foster sophisticated means of digital involvement. Its aim is to identify diverse facets of what it means to be digitally sovereign, but also to critically discuss the viability of the term, especially in the light of modern-day crises and for the many future challenges yet to come. The positions assembled in this volume analyze new opportunities for social participation and policy making and recommend alternative technological and social practices utilized by various groups and collectives – both before and after COVID-19." (Introduction, page 13)
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"This report summarizes powerful research on the Philippines’ human rights sector in “survival mode” under Rodrigo Duterte’s violent regime. Historically known as the most active civil society in Asia, the Philippines human rights movement has faced an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy whil
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e burdened with the responsibility to advocate for the many victims of abuses. Drawing on interviews with human rights workers and their allies in journalism and the academe, this study captures diverse interpretations as to how human rights has become “broken,” “tarnished,” and “a bad word” within a short span of four years. It also describes sectoral, organizational, and generational conflicts in how seasoned veterans and younger activists have been strategizing differently in their efforts to win back public trust. This study identifies the long- and short-term trade-offs behind organizational strategies of frontlining and speaking out on the human rights abuses of the Duterte regime versus more under-the-radar backchanneling work focused on service delivery and grassroots organization. Taking a strategic communication perspective and worker-centered approach, our study specifically places the voices of the communication and technology workers in the human rights sector at the heart of our analysis. What our research uncovers is that despite their many creative experiments to connect with diverse constituencies, human rights organizations have still failed to invest material resources in sustainable communication infrastructures and empower their communication personnel. Almost half of the organizations we interviewed still had no staff member dedicated to communication or branding; communication workers continued to play peripheral roles in their organizations." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"Since August 2017, USAID/Tanzania’s five-year Data-Driven Advocacy (DDA) Activity has sought to improve and sustain Tanzanian civil society’s ability to advocate for and influence policy on key national human rights issues using higher-quality data and information to drive results. Implemented
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by Freedom House in collaboration with Pact, DDA is funded at a total estimated cost of $8,700,000. The Activity provides mentorship and technical assistance to rights-focused civil society organizations (CSOs) in data collection, evidence-based advocacy, and digital and physical protection. DDA helps CSOs build or strengthen platforms for coordination with stakeholders and strengthen institutional capacity. It also provides CSOs with resources and mentorship to engage the GoT and encourage a more inclusive, data-driven, human rights–focused policymaking process [...] USAID asked the Data for Development Project to conduct this evaluation to assess how DDA has performed in relation to its specific objectives and performance targets. The evaluation gathered data to assess progress, challenges, and constraints to implementation and performance. It identified potential needs for adaptation or course correction in the remaining activity period. This utilization-focused evaluation also leveraged lessons learned to inform future USAID projects in Tanzania. Specifically, USAID and its Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance (DRG) Office plan to apply evaluation findings, conclusions, and recommendations to thinking and planning for future design." (Executive Summary, page vii)
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