"This document looks into the human rights violations committed against two specific groups who play important roles for the enjoyment of the right to peaceful assembly. The first group – public assembly monitors – performs a watchdog function by recording how rigorously the authorities observe
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their human rights obligations in the context of public assemblies. The other group – media workers – ensures that society is informed about public assemblies and concerns that have brought people to the streets, and reports on how the protests have been handled by the authorities. The report documents a pattern of unlawful obstruction of journalists’ and monitors’ work during street protests, and severe reprisals against them including arbitrary arrests, use of unlawful force, detention and heavy fines." (Back cover)
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"Los diálogos públicos ponen en práctica el periodismo de intermediación, generando espacios de encuentro, presenciales o virtuales, en medios radiofónicos y plataformas multimedia, para que los y las protagonistas o actores sociales de una determinada situación de conflicto, dialoguen y busqu
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en entendimientos y alternativas con el propósito de lograr una convivencia armónica y de respeto a los derechos de las personas. Este formato, que CORAPE realiza en Ecuador, toma como base la experiencia de los diálogos públicos que produce la Fundación UNIR en Bolivia y ha sido modificado y adaptado al contexto ecuatoriano. En la presente guía hemos detallado cada uno de los pasos para planificar y desarrollar un diálogo público, desde la parte teórica hasta su puesta en acción." (Presentación)
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"The following are the key insights identified across all three weeks of the radio dialogue: In week one of radio dialogue, 36.2% of the participants (n=125) and week 3 55.1% (n=266) of participants agreed that there should be unity and cooperation among all members of the community. They stated tha
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t unity is helpful in the fight against violent extremism and would strengthen the role of women in PCVE and enhance cooperation among women, the government, and civil society organisations in PCVE interventions. 25.5 % (n=88) of participants in week one also stated that peace and security should be prioritised so that women can play a role in combating violent extremism in their respective regions. This can be promoted by working on and maintaining peace in the respective communities. In week two, 32.2 % (n=118) of participants believed that women play an important role in combating PCVE because they are the foundation of the family and are important in a community." (Main findings, page V)
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"Desde DW Akademie llevamos años explorando metodologías experimentales, colaborativas y participativas en una clara apuesta por marcar una novedosa hoja de ruta en los medios que fomente la participación de las audiencias para entablar un diálogo constructivo. Un buen ejemplo de ello es el trab
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ajo desarrollado en América Latina reflejado en los proyectos que se describen en esta publicación, caracterizados por su afán experimental y entendidos como procesos en espiral que se retroalimentan, se autoevalúan y se perfeccionan constantemente. Por lo tanto, los cuatro proyectos que se describen a continuación no están pensados para ser replicados o aplicados en cada uno de sus pasos, sino que quieren servir de inspiración para que otras organizaciones o medios de comunicación los integren en la medida que consideren oportuna en sus propios procesos de creación." (Prólogo)
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"The purpose of the training manual is to increase knowledge, skills, confidence and build the capacity of citizens and civil society organizations on evidence-based advocacy, and data driven advocacy. Through a combination of praxis and complementary activities, trainees will have an enhanced compr
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ehension of the key dimensions of advocacy and how to ensure effective advocacy with evidence-based data." (Introduction)
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"The recent barbaric murder of an investigative journalist in Malta who was looking into corruption at the top echelons of power sparked off a civil society movement, Repubblika, spurring ordinary citizens into participating in collective protest action. The movement also incorporated a loose groupi
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ng of women calling themselves ‘Occupy Justice’. Different forms of protest against government corruption have resulted in the resignation of various senior politicians and high-ranking officials, including the Prime Minister. Taking as a point of departure the struggle against the unequal distribution of power as defined by Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, the empowering force of civil protest is here examined in relation to how power is appropriated and how institutional power is resisted. Micromobilization and mesomobilization are seen as two means of staging protest and creating a common force with which to confront corrupt power structures. Protest, power, and resistance are viewed in the light of theatrical events; the creative means deployed to stage protests are discussed. The aesthetic qualities meant to transform perception and move people to action for bringing about political change are highlighted in relation to both sensory and symbolic dynamics." (Abstract)
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"O presente estudo dialoga com lideranças e com grupos que se encontram na base das organizações sociais: os militantes e ativistas . A inclusão de ativistas e militantes na investigação, como ocorreu na 1ª Etapa da Pesquisa, em 2021, permitiu olhar os dois lados dos processos de representati
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vidade, mobilização e atuação no mundo digital. Pensar representatividade e inclusão digital à luz da democracia implica a procura constante de um olhar atento no sentido de incluir populações fragilizadas. Grupos que geralmente não são escutados nem contemplados em projetos, mesmo nos movimentos sociais. Nesta 2ª. etapa da pesquisa, acompanhamos lideranças de entidades com representação nacional, ligadas à Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) mas também dedicamos a atenção a ativistas, militantes e lideranças entre a população 60 anos ou mais e a população LGBTQIA+. A escolha ocorreu porque na primeira fase do estudo, em 2021, a população 60 anos ou mais e a população LGBTQIA apareceram como os públicos mais esquecidos na hora de realizar projetos, segundo as respostas das lideranças de movimentos sociais." (Página 9)
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"Este artículo caracteriza las prácticas comunicacionales de los comités que promovieron las consultas populares convocadas contra proyectos de extracción minero-energética en dos municipios de Colombia: Arbeláez (Cundinamarca) y Fusagasugá (Cundinamarca). Con este fin, se abordan los factore
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s que originaron el conflicto socioambiental, se reconstruye el proceso de convocatoria a la consulta y se detalla el “repertorio de prácticas comunicacionales” que organizaron los comités promotores, comprendido como la integración de nanomedios y artes populares y su articulación con las acciones de organizaciones sociales que impulsaron las consultas. Se concluye que el proceso de comunicación de los comités robustece el reconocimiento de los conflictos socioambientales en la comunidad, expande y diversifica la opinión pública y contribuye al desarrollo de mecanismos de participación popular." (Resumen)
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"Why co-create—and why now? The many coauthors, drawing on a remarkable array of professional and personal experience, focus on the radical, sustained practices of co-creating media within communities and with social movements. They explore the urgent need for co-creation across disciplines and or
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ganization, and the latest methods for collaborating with nonhuman systems in biology and technology. The idea of “collective intelligence” is not new, and has been applied to such disparate phenomena as decision making by consensus and hived insects. Collective wisdom goes further. With conceptual explanation and practical examples, this book shows that co-creation only becomes wise when it is grounded in equity and justice." (Publisher description)
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"A publishing phenomenon and artistic project, cartonera was born in the wake of Argentina’s 2001 economic crisis. Infused with a rebellious spirit, it has exploded in popularity, with hundreds of publishers across Latin America and Europe making colorful, low-cost books out of cardboard salvaged
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from the street. Taking Form, Making Worlds is the first comprehensive study of cartonera. Drawing on interdisciplinary research conducted across Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, the authors show how this hands-on practice has fostered a politically engaged network of writers, artists, and readers. More than a social movement, cartonera uses texts, workshops, encounters, and exhibitions to foster community and engagement through open-ended forms that are at once artistic and social. For various groups including waste-pickers, Indigenous communities, rural children, and imprisoned women, cartonera provides a platform for unique stories and sparks collaborations that bring the walls of the “lettered city” tumbling down. In contexts of stigma and exclusion, cartonera collectives give form to a decolonial aesthetics of resistance, making possible a space of creative experimentation through which plural worlds can be brought to life." (Publisher description)
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"Iranian Feminism and Transnational Ethics in Media Discourse explores how U.S. news and social media discourse hierarchies overshadow transnational feminist politics and reinforce femonationalist narratives, thereby unpacking how protesters' voices on the ground are obscured in favor of elite sourc
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es who reaffirm U.S Islamophobia." (Publisher description)
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"This article discusses activists’ need to reflect on how achieving social media visibility might translate into vulnerability. In order to provide activists with a tool for this reflection, the Stepping into Visibility Model has been developed and applied to two case studies: (a) an activist grou
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p in a Brazilian favela using social media for protection against police brutality and (b) a Kenyan photographer, affiliated to an art-ivist (artistic and activist) collective, producing images of Nairobi at night to tackle social anxiety issues. The research draws from sociological insights on the concept of ‘visibility’ and adopts a case study methodology combined with ethnographic approaches. By adopting a Global South perspective, it discusses counter surveillance efforts in ways that go beyond techno-legal solutionism (Dencik et al, 2016) and in periods outside that of big-scale protests (McCosker, 2015). By devising this model, we hope to offer a contribution on how marginalised communities can be better informed when they encounter unintended negative visibility." (Abstract)
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"Through our booklet we do not want to encourage just "any kind" of online expression. We want to promote a specific way to express oneself online. Our intention is to stimulate structured and socially oriented active participation online, as a continuation of Civil Society Organisations' effort to
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promote active participation in society. In this sense, what characterizes online active participation is the presence of different elements: the creation of relationships; the building of a community or the fact of representing a community; the collective interest; the intention to produce a change, to influence society. As civil society organisations, active participation of citizens is part of our mission, and today, more than ever, we have to be able to rethink our way to pursue it, including the online space within our range of intervention. This is why we consider it a stimulating and important challenge to accompany educators and school teachers to promote a more creative, active and wise use of the web, exploring the opportunities given not only by social media and blogs, but also by more structured means such as web radio and web TV." (Introduction)
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"Public protests, including women-led struggles, are increasingly gaining a foothold in many parts of the world in response to multiple crises and growing exclusion, in a context of fragility. In the global South, most public protests involve temporary, informal coalitions where people come together
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and participate in a one-off event. The fluid nature of political space makes sustaining protests elusive because of protest fatigue. Yet, the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG), a women-led movement, headed a long-term protest that focused on the rights of the girl child to education – a direct response to Boko Haram’s gendered terror tactics, in which girls were abducted, forced t o abandon school, and get married. This article examines when and how movements crystallise into long-term programmes of action in fragile and conflict-affected societies where state–society relations are weak and government is considered to be unresponsive. We use the case of the #BBOG movement, one of Nigeria’s intense social media-driven and womenled action, to examine the mix of pressures it faced, its characteristics, and strategies in situations of fragility, conflict, and closed political spaces. We identify four key strategies that the #BBOG has deployed to keep members coming, garner international support and sympathy, keep pressure on the elite in a safe manner for the movement members, and ensure an independent funding regime for durability and impact. This article finds that #BBOG was able to navigate fragility and the closing civic space in Nigeria by challenging the failure of government to address insecurity in the country, transcending societal barriers including gender, religion, and political class, transnationalising their movement, self-funding, and using social media strategically." (Abstract)
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