"Inequalities in news use and political participation exist among young people from (dis-)advantaged backgrounds which challenge the idea of informed citizens that can participate in democratic processes. Relating to self-actualizing (AC) and dutiful (DC) citizen identity paradigms and performative
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citizenship, this study investigates information and engagement practices of low-educated young people. The results from ten focus groups N = 46 with young Germans (14- to 22-year-olds) conducted in 2023 show four analytical networks that are mostly related to AC qualities. Contact and potential engagement with political information result from incidental news exposure on social media platforms. Participants’engagement practices are characterized by exchange on political topics in interpersonal contexts as well as little participation experience and limited self-efficacy. Participants’ critical perception of media coverage comprises a limited representation of relevant topics and perspectives as well as a discouraging presentation of news. Group differences and explanations for participants’ limited engagement are analyzed." (Abstract)
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"This study applies the framing model of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) to analyze media coverage of the Chilean social protests of 2019, with a particular emphasis on differences between radio and television coverage. This model uses 20 distinct questions to identify specific frames used in news rep
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orting. These findings indicate that the predominant frame across all protest coverage was Attribution of Responsibility, though this frame was even more prevalent for radio. For television, the results suggest a lower focus on the protesters’ demands, with a tendency to portray the events as a political conflict." (Abstract)
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"The presence of cameras, at the forefront of crises, either in the hands of journalists, bystanders or passers-by and sometimes even parties to the crises, has inspired multiple visual notations, commentaries and perspectives. Thus, efforts and resources are channelled towards documenting crises, t
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o help us better understand them and play a part in their resolution. Sometimes, the camera also participates in the adjudication of cases arising from crises or, indeed, even in the reconciliatory efforts after a crisis. The book aims to explore the multi-dimensional role of the camera in times of crises, with particular interest in how scholars view the camera as a [useful] tool in times of crisis in Africa. Hopefully, this book will help unravel the multi-layered tendencies of the camera as an instrument of documentation, history verification, (re)presentation of the other, and perhaps the legitimisation of narratives. The camera’s subjective framings of crisis narratives, as a manipulative tool for influence, inference and power are also explored. The book is structured into three parts. The first part focusses on the visual narratives of crises. The second part of the book explores the camera’s tendency to be a tool for representation and agency, while the third segment discusses the use of the camera as an entity for activism and advocacy in crises. These structured parts are intended to broaden the understanding of readers about the greater possibilities that images and imageries from the camera as a tool possess." (Abstract introduction, page 1)
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"Written by two practitioners with deep professional experience, this book introduces readers to public interest communications, which takes an evidence-based approach to using strategic communications to drive positive social change. Each chapter includes accessible, applicable insights, exercises
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and real-world examples undergirded by theories and research from a range of academic disciplines: social and cognitive science, communications, systems thinking and human-centered design. The authors provide step-by-step frameworks for practicing public interest communications and illustrate each framework with multiple perspectives through practitioner interviews. Through a focus on fairness and ethics, the book helps readers acquire the mindset of a public interest communicator. This book is an ideal resource for students in strategic communications, health and environmental communications, public relations, journalism, social entrepreneurship, political science and advertising, and in public interest communication courses specifically, who wish to promote lasting change on issues that advance the greater good. Accompanying online materials include worksheets and links to further resources such as videos and podcasts." (Publisher description)
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"The emergence of alternative media is linked to the progressive social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, which aimed to democratize media production and amplify marginalized voices. Recently, regressive news sites have emerged, claiming to be “alternative” despite their far-right ideologies. As
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a result, some independent “digital natives” in Latin America reject the “alternative” label. In disinformation studies, scholars often use the term ‘alternative’ to describe media outlets that oppose mainstream institutions without critically addressing power dynamics. Critical media scholars argue that labeling the far right as a counter-public under the ‘alternative’ banner risks equating undemocratic groups with those advocating for democracy. The global right-wing movement is more accurately characterized as “defensive” publics due to its alignment with systemic inequalities. We contend that the right wing’s alignment with systemic inequalities, coupled with its tenuous relationship with truth, distinguishes it from progressive alternative publics. While independent digital-native media often incorporate fact-checking units to combat disinformation, right-wing outlets are significant sources of falsehoods. These outlets exploit democratic rhetoric and distort constructivist views of facts to advance anti-democratic agendas. To illustrate this tactic, the article examines the mission statements of regressive ‘alternative’ media identified by factcheckers in 2022 across eight countries in Europe and Latin America: Germany, theUK, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela. By analyzing these regressive outlets’ mission statements, we uncover their illiberal discursive strategies and how they co-opt democratic rhetoric to advance exclusionary goals." (Abstract)
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"All over the world, satirists courageously stand up for democratic values, often under extremely difficult conditions. Through their art, they create spaces for freedom and challenge authorities. On the other hand, extremists use humour for their political purposes too: They ridicule those who diss
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ent and make fun of democratic values. It is not helpful that political debates are increasingly taking place in digital spaces that lack transparency and fair rules." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar and attempts to understand the practice of hashtags in the struggle against digital repression. By using descriptive analysis methods and qualitative content analysis, this study argues that #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar is categorized into 4 distinct narrati
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ve forms: Grievance expression, information dissemination, attracting support, and mobilization. Each narrative fulfills different functions within the context of the struggle against digital repression. Grievance expression challenges social manipulation and disinformation. Information dissemination tackles censorship and social manipulation/disinformation. Attracting support helps keep the conversation about Myanmar active on social media even when the Internet is shut down. Finally, the mobilization narrative helps protect protesters and online users from state surveillance and persecution. Through analyzing the hashtag narrative, this study offers resourceful findings on how activists have used social media against digital repression and on the evolution of resistance to struggle against new types of state repression." (Abstract)
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"In 2023, 79% of world’s youth between the age of 15-24 were using the internet. In this unfolding digital age, the role of education in general, and global citizenship education in particular, is crucial. It enables to equip all learners, especially the youngest ones, with the skills and competen
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cies to effectively access, critically engage with, create, use and share information and knowledge on and through diverse digital technologies, especially social media platforms. This publication provides educators with lesson plans, modules, and effective pedagogical strategies to enhance learners’ abilities in navigating and positively contributing to the digital world, with a strong focus on critical thinking and ethical decision-making. By equipping educators with these tools, the publication strives to prepare current and future generations for active participation in creating peaceful, just and sustainable societies." (Short summary)
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"[...] while information ecosystems encompass a variety of actors (including those within both private and public sectors), this research focuses primarily on civil society actors, including those who use information for their work (as consumers, producers, nodes, or facilitators of information), do
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nors, organisers, activists from digital rights organisations, technologists for social justice and digital security experts, and researchers. In Part 1 of this report, we share an overview of some of the challenges and characteristics that shape the disequilibrium of information ecosystems in the region. In the Interlude, we outline the collective visions for healthy, strong information ecosystems that we gathered as the project developed. This fits in with one of our focus areas for this research, which is bolstering “communicative power” – defined by Fung and Cohen (2021) as the capacity for sustained joint (or collective) action, to associate and explore interests and ideas together with others, aiming to arrive at common understandings and advance common concerns in the public sphere. In Part 2, we share some inspiring strategies used by civil society to restore information ecosystems in the region. Rather than present these strategies as “silver bullets” or “definitive solutions”, the goal of this report is to indicate a variety of potential pathways for restoring information ecosystems and encourage funders, donors and other actors to support the work of those who are striving to materialise that restoration. Additionally, these strategies can also be a source of inspiration for the work that other civil society actors, technologists and digital rights advocates are building. With this in mind, the Conclusion summarises some of the main areas of support needed by actors working to improve information ecosystems in LAC." (Introduction, page 5)
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"[...] this paper presents approximately 30 worldwide examples of successful AI use to promote various aspects of democracy. At the same time, the corresponding challenges that need to be addressed are highlighted. From the examination of international examples, the following theses can be derived:
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AI systems can promote all aspects of democracy in a similar way; the use of AI systems for democracy requires the functioning of democratic structures; focus not only on generative AI: significant advantages can also come from processing and identifying AI systems; AI systems that promote democracy must be particularly comprehensible and transparent; AI systems facilitate participation but do not enable it; AI systems can make large amounts of data usable—for both citizens and the state; AI must be considered in the context of existing digitalization processes; not everything that AI systems can do is desired in a democracy." (Executive summary)
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"In November 2023, DW Akademie brought together journalists, civil society organizations, digital rights experts, and media influencers for a consultation workshop in Kampala, Uganda. In the two-day event, hosted by Media Challenge Initiative (MCI), the diverse group collaboratively developed recomm
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endations on how to promote constructive public dialogue on social media, in Uganda. In this publication, you will find these developed recommendations aimed at social media platforms, private actors, and governments (Part 1), and media organizations, journalists, tech and innovation hubs, civil society organizations, and media development organizations (Part 2).
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"The far right is increasingly relying on visual and less extreme online communication, for instance by using memes, to strategically mainstream their ideology. The use of humor in particular renders their communication more relatable to a mainstream audience. However, little is known about the actu
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al impacts of the different content characteristics they employ to become more appealing, in particular on less moderated platforms that function as safe online spaces for extremist ideology and contents. To fill this gap, we conducted a manual quantitative content analysis of 1,200 memes distributed within German-language far-right Telegram channels in 2020 and 2021, concentrating on humor and several content-related factors to analyze their impact on meme reach. The results demonstrate that memes with extreme far-right narratives and memes with humor received fewer views than others, but that memes with both far-right narratives and humor had a significantly increased reach. The findings highlight the mainstreaming potential of humor, particularly when used to mask extreme content that would otherwise be less appealing." (Abstract)
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"The spread of mobile telephones in Africa has enabled a broad range of citizens to join live conversations on call-in radio shows. Both African governments and foreign aid agencies claim that broadcasting such debates can raise awareness, amplify the voices of the poor, and facilitate development a
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nd better governance; they now fund a large share of interactive shows in some countries. Critics of such participatory initiatives typically accept that they have powerful effects but worry that debates among citizens are deployed as a technology of “governmentality”, producing forms of popular subjectivity compatible with elitist economic systems and technocratic political regimes. This article argues that instrumentalising political debate is harder than either side assumes, and that the consequences of these shows are mainly unintended. It develops an in-depth case of a Zambian callin radio programme, “Let’s Be Responsible Citizens”, emphasising the ability of the show’s audience, and its host, to subvert the programme’s surveillance and governmentality agenda, and to insist that the key responsibilities of citizens are to criticise, rather than adapt to, policies and systems of governance that do not meet their needs." (Abstract)
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"Academic discourse frequently speaks of a gender violence in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), suggesting a distinctive gender violence that is tied to a geographic location. Within the framework of a digital ethnography, this research examines whether gender activists operating in digital s
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paces themselves conceptualise and mobilise around their struggle using a regional lens, combining observations, a multimodal analyses of social media content, and interviews with 20 digital activists to do so. Challenging orientalist narratives, I centre the ontological agency of these (predominantly) young, (predominantly) women digital activists from and within the region in defining, contesting, and (re)producing the MENA within their resistance to gender violence. This timely intervention comes after a string of feminicides in June/July 2022 led to calls for a regional Women’s General Strike going viral across social media platforms. Following the strike’s slogan, ÊÖÇãä ÚÇÈÑ ááÍÏæÏ (Solidarity Across Borders), this research explores the potentialities and limitations of regional solidarities as a vehicle for building feminist public spaces. Contributing to debates within transnational feminist research regarding activism’s multiple spatialities, I examine how strike participants, through their framings of regional gender-based violence and the networks and identities built around said framings, navigate sameness and difference in dynamic and sometimes divisive ways. Within the strike context, we see a fragile regional public being formed that simultaneously challenges and reproduces narratives of gender violence in the MENA in ways that demonstrate both the salience of regionality and the importance of including activist voices in our regional constructions." (Abstract)
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