"The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d’état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d’état in terms of their civil, legal, and politic
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al significance for news journalism and news journalists. More specifically and based on two sets of semi-structured interviews with Turkish editors and senior journalists supported by an analysis of gray literature, we argue that between 2013 and 2018 Turkey has moved from a pre-coup repression of news journalism (2013–2016) to a post-coup oppression of news journalism (2016–2018). The former was characterized by unsystematic attacks on news journalism conducted with impunity leading to a climate of fear that made self-censorship inescapable. In contrast, the latter relied on constitutional changes and the use of law to systematically compromise the civil institution of news journalism and to cast news journalists as political enemies of the Turkish state resulting in what can be likened to a loss of their citizenship. We further argue that the development from the repression to oppression of news journalism has been ‘authorized’ and ‘legalized’ by the constitutional changes that came into force on 9 July 2018." (Abstract)
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"Journalistic autonomy has been studied more frequently in countries with secure democracies in terms of journalists’ perceptions of freedom and independence to work in the midst of the controls, pressures, and influences perceived in the newsrooms. Based on objective variables and on a national s
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urvey completed by 546 Colombian journalists, this article examines how inequality, violence, and insecurity affect their perceived autonomy to develop and publish news. Using regression analysis and statistical mediation, it was found that political and economic influences intervene in the relationship between aggressions against journalists and the decrease in journalistic autonomy. This decrease is strongest when violence comes internally from the work environment and when gender inequalities, homicides, and insecurity are connected to newsrooms. In the conclusion, recommendations are offered for future studies and postagreements of peace in Colombia." (Abstract)
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"This chapter focuses on the context of violence and political polarization in three Central American countries: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, and analyses how these conditions negatively affect press freedom and the practice of journalism. The author argues that the notion of “insecure dem
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ocracies” can be applied to the reality of these countries and discusses relevant limitations for the work of media organizations and journalists, and how these constrains might impact journalists’ motivations to engage in self-censorship. The author concludes that the engagement of political, social and academic actors and journalists’ associations is necessary for improving the conditions for press freedom, the safety and security of journalists, plural and diverse media systems, and for deepening the understanding of self-censorship in these Central American countries." (Abstract)
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"Mexico is among the most violent countries for journalism, with more than 100 journalists killed in the past two decades. Behind these murders, which have largely gone unpunished, are phenomena such as organized crime and corruption, as well as a lack of state presence in some regions. In this stud
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y, we focus on analysis of a relevant topic in the contemporary news agenda, namely journalistic coverage of organized crime. For this, we interviewed almost two dozen Mexican journalists who work in Mexico’s main media outlets. Through journalists’ responses, we observe the normalization of violence in their everyday work. Although the journalists interviewed recognize that they do not have, in general, specific knowledge of this type of coverage, their experience directs them to develop security protocols, including use of their media outlets’ physical infrastructure and strategic use of social networks and the Internet." (Abstract)
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"Violence against Mexican journalists has received significant attention from scholars at home and abroad during the last decade. However, though a diversity of issues have been consistently studied, there is one topic that is still largely neglected: the implications of technology for news workers
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security and their journalistic practice. Drawing on a set of semi-structured interviews with 93 journalists working in 23 of the most dangerous Mexican subnational entities, the aim of this article is to fill that gap. Empirical evidence from all over the country points to a nearly unanimous perception of digital technologies as being a “double-edged knife.” This is because electronic devices and social media may be used as a tool for developing better reporting practices, but also as a weapon against journalists, through – for instance – online harassment or espionage." (Abstract)
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"Côte d’Ivoire’s national election in 2010 descended into civil war into 2011 when incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede the presidency to the internationally recognized winner Alassane Ouattara. The three political players in this election—the parties of Ouattara, Gbagbo, and
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France—had deep economic incentives in the outcome of Côte d’Ivoire’s election. Drawing from interviews conducted in 2016 and 2017 in Côte d’Ivoire with 24 journalists, findings show that journalists endured many acts of harassment from political parties trying to manipulate the news coverage of this election. I argue that the mechanisms observed in Côte d’Ivoire’s electoral crisis reflect how conditions of war activate informal power alliances within the political–economic dynamics of a Global South nation in the postcolonial era. These alliances push on media in ways they would not normally during peacetime. Côte d’Ivoire is a former colony of France. It is a part of “Françafrique,” a region of 12 French-speaking African countries where France still retains considerable economic impact and has intervened militarily dozens of times since the colonies were emancipated in the early 1960s." (Abstract)
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"This paper investigated media personnel employers’compliance with safety and protection of professionals in charge of dissemination of information whenever their assignments take them to places where their lives could be at risk. The occupational safety and health convention spells out the requir
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ements that employers of labour are expected to fulfill in order to protect workers at the front line of disease of epidemic or pandemic proportions as contained in the International Labour Organisations Convention. The paper has four sections that include, introduction, literature review and analysis. Interview was used as data collection instrument. The primary data was relied upon. The qualitative data was analysed in themes. This paper argued that Health correspondent have a duty to protect themselves when at the frontline in order save their lives and that of their colleagues and their family. All safety precautions have to be adhered to. Their employers too are expected to give them all necessary kits to adhere to the safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"Safety of female journalists in and beyond the newsroom continues to stimulate debate on how risky environments can trigger self-censorship among journalists, yet few studies have investigated women journalists’ experience of risk in specific work contexts. This chapter examines the perception of
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risk among female journalists who cover political demonstrations, and how they negotiate such risks. Anchored in theories of media and gender, self-censorship and resilience, the chapter dwells on political demonstrations that have become pervasive in the more than 30-year rule of Uganda’s current president. Data were collected through focus group discussions with female reporters and structured in-depth interviews with newsroom managers. Findings indicate that covering political demonstrations is perceived as risky for female journalists, who are also increasingly aware of their vulnerability. This perceived vulnerability produces a deterrent effect on women’s enthusiasm to cover riots. Nonetheless, women rely on techniques that spur collective resilience, which in turn helps to avert self-censorship. Although focusing on political demonstrations, the instantiated perceptions would likely resonate with other situations in which female journalists work. Thus, applying a gender lens to future self-censorship and resilience studies may open new frontiers of understanding, especially of what gender-specific self-censorship and resilience practices thrive in different contexts." (Abstract)
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"This chapter’s point of departure lies in its focus on how journalists and media organizations navigate through unsafe environments and avoid self-censorship. The study specifically explores the connection between safety and self-censorship and journalist’s deployment of social media in the Uga
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ndan context. Through interviews and focus group discussions, the study shows that journalists and media organizations (sometimes) use social media to avoid covering unsafe news scenes and to bypass suppression intended to drive them into self-censorship. Journalists and media organizations are able to overcome state-instigated censorship by using platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to obtain journalistic material, which may not be accessible through conventional means. Using the case of the Ugandan government closure of Daily Monitor newspaper in 2013, the chapter shows that the media organization heavily relied on social media to remain in operation during the period when it was under siege. The chapter concludes that employing social media in journalism practice is one of the mechanisms used by journalists and media organizations to surmount safety problems and repression. The author acknowledges the safety problems arising from digital tools and platforms but argues that exploiting the advantages they present, such as being alternative avenues for newsgathering, reporting and dissemination, contributes profoundly to the survival of independent journalism in non-democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The media play an essential role of informing and mobilising voters as well as facilitating a two-way communication process between citizens and those vying for electoral offices during elections. This allows citizens to get information on various issues from the contenders, which largely informs t
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heir electoral decisions. In most less democratic societies however, this media function is increasingly becoming difficult to fulfil due to challenges journalists encounter during electoral processes. Using Uganda’s last general elections in 2016 as a case study, this article discusses the safety of journalists during elections basing on findings from a bigger study on the media coverage of the 2016 elections, supplemented by in-depth interviews with 10 journalists who covered the elections. In addition, the analysis makes reference to the 2016 Uganda Press Freedom Index. Findings of this research show that journalists face more safety and security risks during elections particularly perpetuated by state security agencies. Compared to previous elections, the 2016 elections also recorded the highest number of victims who were female journalists. This article highlights key challenges journalists face during elections, which include: state harassment and intimidation, arrest of those considered critical to the state, and denial of access to important information. Due to concerns of their own safety, journalists have responded to the insecure work environment by engaging in self-censorship, thereby giving biased or limited information to the public. The article identifies gaps that media development agencies can help to close if the media are to play their rightful role in a democratic society, especially during the electoral process." (Abstract)
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"The definition of censorship denotes direct or overt restriction on free expression or freedom of the media. The popular understanding of self-censorship involves a person’s involuntary self-silencing. A journalist’s wilful, personal, intentional self-censorship, at times motivated by selfish m
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otives, is often overlooked especially when there is complicit acceptance of political perspective or financial interest, or normalization/naturalization of unethical practices. Systems and ideologies can condition individuals to self-censor using what Louis Althusser has termed Ideological State Apparatuses and Repressive State Apparatuses, including interpellation. The Zimbabwean Crisis that has resulted in the polarization of Zimbabwean media along political lines demands an evaluation of the notion of self-censorship. Instead of merely focusing on the involuntary nature of self-censorship, there is need to assess instances when journalists self-censor and selfishly comply with political and commercial interests at the expense of serving the lofty ideals of the public good and public interest. Numerous examples exist where Zimbabwean journalists were abused and their rights violated leading to the adoption of self-preservation by such journalists and others when faced with the choice of whether to write or not to write, to tell or not tell. However, journalists are systematically recruited into party and commercial systems, and they have comfortably adopted a cosy demeanour to the extent of collaborating with powerful interest groups and formations. When journalists self-censor not because of fear of violence or threats or other safety concerns, it undermines the transcendental ideal of providing information as a public good and in the public/national interest." (Abstract)
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"Journalists have always faced restrictions on their freedom of speech and threats to their security in Pakistan. During Pakistan's 2018 general elections, the country's media was also managed and controlled to create a maligned public-sphere to misguide the Pakistani voters. Public sphere was malig
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ned through misinformation, political propaganda and distortion of facts and maneuvering of journalism. This created ill effects for public discourses on democracy. Findings obtained through in-depth interviews of twenty journalists, who covered elections 2018, revealed that strategic media maneuvering was witnessed during the country's 2018 elections. Media freedom was largely constrained and journalists faced physical, psychological and financial threats in the line of their duty and for their efforts to foster democracy in the country. This study revealed Pakistan's long history of dictatorship, weak political system, and national psyche of control as the major reasons for such happenings." (Abstract)
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"In the Philippines, the assault on the press has gone digital. While Filipino journalists continue to face physical, verbal, and legal threats and attacks, cyber-attacks and online harassment/trolling were identified in 2018 as the second worst threat against them, after low wages and poor working
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conditions, according to the International Federation of Journalists and the Southeast Asia Journalist Unions. Websites of news outlets have also been hacked and taken down. These challenges make the press vulnerable to self-censorship and may even lead to fatal outcomes. This chapter seeks to fill the gap in the literature on the digital types of assault on the Philippine alternative press, focusing on the experience of alternative news media outlets—independent media particularly critical of the government. It explores the range of such threats and attacks and the responses, legal frameworks, and remedies in place that are used to combat dangers of this nature." (Abstract)
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"Despite the growing scholarship on investigative journalism in Latin America, very few studies have addressed collaboration across newsrooms in the region. By analyzing the responses of 251 journalists who work for investigative units in Latin American news outlets, this study explores a) the reaso
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ns why Latin American journalists are increasingly seeking to participate in national and transnational collaborative enterprises, b) the challenges they identify, and c) the role digital technologies are playing in this trend of transnational collaboration. Using mixed methods, we found that collaborations occur to enhance the impact of investigative projects, to reach larger audiences, and to achieve a big-picture coverage. We also found that safety is an important motivation to work in conjunction with other newsrooms—by collaborating, journalists are able to strengthen security measures and challenge censorship. Yet, coordinating teams—especially at the transnational level—remains the biggest challenge to overcome. Digital technologies are significantly related to reporters’ likelihood of collaborating, but these technologies require other reporting skills to be useful for investigative journalism. Implications for research and practice are discussed." (Abstract)
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"Media freedom is primarily the freedom of diverse forms of media and sources of communication. Traditionally, freedom of the press is conceptualized as the freedom to publish; however, the notion of media freedom is much broader as it encompasses the freedom both to publish and to broadcast, emphas
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izing the idea that media in information societies consist of more than print sources (e.g. newspapers and magazines) and incorporates electronic sources of communication as well, such as radio, television, and the Internet. Hence, freedom of the media is indispensable for democratic societies given that the media are an outlet for public discussion and opinion and basically operate to seek the truth, educate the public, and serve as a watchdog over government. Threats to journalists and attacks on media freedom undermine the proper functioning of the United States as a democratic society, as the ability of journalists to investigate and report on controversial topics becomes threatened by the government and pressure groups such as criminal gangs, terrorists, and corporate giants. In the U.S., as elsewhere, freedom of expression is a fundamental human right, and a precondition for many other democratic rights. According to the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution: Restrictions on freedom of expression can be direct (such as stringent laws) and in direct (such as censorship pressure from the government and military), and vary relative to social contexts. In democratic systems, media organizations and journalists have been the lifeline of freedom of expression and public accountability. The existence of free and pluralistic media is indispensable to democratic governance, and media freedom is vital to the practice of journalism. Media professionals and journalists need the freedom to perform their jobs without undue constraints. Journalists report on issues of public interest, including government policies, and have a key role to play in democracies by revealing truth and disseminating information indispensable to sustainable knowledge societies. Threats and violence against journalists and media professionals can stop the public from exercising their fundamental right to seek, receive, and impart information." (Abstract)
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"Amid growing threats to journalists around the world, this study examines the nature of online harassment, the types of journalists most likely to experience it, and the most common forms of response to such abuse. Through a representative survey of U.S. journalists, we find that nearly all journal
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ists experience at least some online harassment but that such harassment is generally infrequent overall and especially in its most severe forms. Nevertheless, online harassment against journalists disproportionately affects women (particularly young women) and those who are more personally visible in the news but not necessarily those who work for larger newsrooms. Moreover, it is clear that the more often a journalist is harassed online, the more likely they are to take a dim view of the audience by seeing them as irrational and unlike themselves, and to perceive interaction with them as less valuable. Additionally, as greater targets of the worst forms of abuse, women face a greater burden in deciding if and how to respond to online harassment. Conceptually, this article advances the literature on journalists and audiences by extending the concept of reciprocal journalism, which emphasizes individual-level perceptions that shape the quality of person-to-person exchanges. We explore how the experience of online harassment may complicate the way that journalists think about and act toward their audiences, offering a window into the downsides of encountering audiences online." (Abstract)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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"Over the last two decades, Nigeria has been struggling to consolidate its democratic processes to ensure peaceful campaigns and free and fair polls. But electoral processes require the free flow of verified electoral information and citizen's participation – phenomena that only free media can gua
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rantee. As enshrined in the nation's constitution, it is expected that freedoms of expression and press will be guaranteed during polls times and always. On the contrary, election times are often dejection time for Nigerian journalists. Hence, concerns are being raised about what factors are responsible for causing threats to journalists during poll times and how the menace can be mitigated. Drawing on the experiences of 12 journalists who were interviewed face-to-face, this chapter found aggressive journalistic practices, overconfidence, and breach of journalistic ethics responsible for threats to journalists' safety. The chapter concludes that professional incompetence is one of the critical factors exposing Nigerian journalists to threats." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates factors that dampens the Indonesian journalists' freedom and safety in the Post-Soeharto's New Order. To address this research objective, relevant journal articles have been scrutinized. And the in-depth interview data have been derived from the interviews of a former member
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of the Indonesian Press Council and four journalists who served four prominent Indonesian mainstream media including TEMPO, the Jakarta Post, Metro TV and CNN Indonesia. These data have been analysed using the qualitative and thematic analysis." (Abstract)
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