"Côte d’Ivoire’s national election in 2010 descended into civil war into 2011 when incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede the presidency to the internationally recognized winner Alassane Ouattara. The three political players in this election—the parties of Ouattara, Gbagbo, and
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France—had deep economic incentives in the outcome of Côte d’Ivoire’s election. Drawing from interviews conducted in 2016 and 2017 in Côte d’Ivoire with 24 journalists, findings show that journalists endured many acts of harassment from political parties trying to manipulate the news coverage of this election. I argue that the mechanisms observed in Côte d’Ivoire’s electoral crisis reflect how conditions of war activate informal power alliances within the political–economic dynamics of a Global South nation in the postcolonial era. These alliances push on media in ways they would not normally during peacetime. Côte d’Ivoire is a former colony of France. It is a part of “Françafrique,” a region of 12 French-speaking African countries where France still retains considerable economic impact and has intervened militarily dozens of times since the colonies were emancipated in the early 1960s." (Abstract)
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"This paper investigated media personnel employers’compliance with safety and protection of professionals in charge of dissemination of information whenever their assignments take them to places where their lives could be at risk. The occupational safety and health convention spells out the requir
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ements that employers of labour are expected to fulfill in order to protect workers at the front line of disease of epidemic or pandemic proportions as contained in the International Labour Organisations Convention. The paper has four sections that include, introduction, literature review and analysis. Interview was used as data collection instrument. The primary data was relied upon. The qualitative data was analysed in themes. This paper argued that Health correspondent have a duty to protect themselves when at the frontline in order save their lives and that of their colleagues and their family. All safety precautions have to be adhered to. Their employers too are expected to give them all necessary kits to adhere to the safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"Safety of female journalists in and beyond the newsroom continues to stimulate debate on how risky environments can trigger self-censorship among journalists, yet few studies have investigated women journalists’ experience of risk in specific work contexts. This chapter examines the perception of
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risk among female journalists who cover political demonstrations, and how they negotiate such risks. Anchored in theories of media and gender, self-censorship and resilience, the chapter dwells on political demonstrations that have become pervasive in the more than 30-year rule of Uganda’s current president. Data were collected through focus group discussions with female reporters and structured in-depth interviews with newsroom managers. Findings indicate that covering political demonstrations is perceived as risky for female journalists, who are also increasingly aware of their vulnerability. This perceived vulnerability produces a deterrent effect on women’s enthusiasm to cover riots. Nonetheless, women rely on techniques that spur collective resilience, which in turn helps to avert self-censorship. Although focusing on political demonstrations, the instantiated perceptions would likely resonate with other situations in which female journalists work. Thus, applying a gender lens to future self-censorship and resilience studies may open new frontiers of understanding, especially of what gender-specific self-censorship and resilience practices thrive in different contexts." (Abstract)
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"This chapter’s point of departure lies in its focus on how journalists and media organizations navigate through unsafe environments and avoid self-censorship. The study specifically explores the connection between safety and self-censorship and journalist’s deployment of social media in the Uga
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ndan context. Through interviews and focus group discussions, the study shows that journalists and media organizations (sometimes) use social media to avoid covering unsafe news scenes and to bypass suppression intended to drive them into self-censorship. Journalists and media organizations are able to overcome state-instigated censorship by using platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to obtain journalistic material, which may not be accessible through conventional means. Using the case of the Ugandan government closure of Daily Monitor newspaper in 2013, the chapter shows that the media organization heavily relied on social media to remain in operation during the period when it was under siege. The chapter concludes that employing social media in journalism practice is one of the mechanisms used by journalists and media organizations to surmount safety problems and repression. The author acknowledges the safety problems arising from digital tools and platforms but argues that exploiting the advantages they present, such as being alternative avenues for newsgathering, reporting and dissemination, contributes profoundly to the survival of independent journalism in non-democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"The media play an essential role of informing and mobilising voters as well as facilitating a two-way communication process between citizens and those vying for electoral offices during elections. This allows citizens to get information on various issues from the contenders, which largely informs t
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heir electoral decisions. In most less democratic societies however, this media function is increasingly becoming difficult to fulfil due to challenges journalists encounter during electoral processes. Using Uganda’s last general elections in 2016 as a case study, this article discusses the safety of journalists during elections basing on findings from a bigger study on the media coverage of the 2016 elections, supplemented by in-depth interviews with 10 journalists who covered the elections. In addition, the analysis makes reference to the 2016 Uganda Press Freedom Index. Findings of this research show that journalists face more safety and security risks during elections particularly perpetuated by state security agencies. Compared to previous elections, the 2016 elections also recorded the highest number of victims who were female journalists. This article highlights key challenges journalists face during elections, which include: state harassment and intimidation, arrest of those considered critical to the state, and denial of access to important information. Due to concerns of their own safety, journalists have responded to the insecure work environment by engaging in self-censorship, thereby giving biased or limited information to the public. The article identifies gaps that media development agencies can help to close if the media are to play their rightful role in a democratic society, especially during the electoral process." (Abstract)
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"The definition of censorship denotes direct or overt restriction on free expression or freedom of the media. The popular understanding of self-censorship involves a person’s involuntary self-silencing. A journalist’s wilful, personal, intentional self-censorship, at times motivated by selfish m
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otives, is often overlooked especially when there is complicit acceptance of political perspective or financial interest, or normalization/naturalization of unethical practices. Systems and ideologies can condition individuals to self-censor using what Louis Althusser has termed Ideological State Apparatuses and Repressive State Apparatuses, including interpellation. The Zimbabwean Crisis that has resulted in the polarization of Zimbabwean media along political lines demands an evaluation of the notion of self-censorship. Instead of merely focusing on the involuntary nature of self-censorship, there is need to assess instances when journalists self-censor and selfishly comply with political and commercial interests at the expense of serving the lofty ideals of the public good and public interest. Numerous examples exist where Zimbabwean journalists were abused and their rights violated leading to the adoption of self-preservation by such journalists and others when faced with the choice of whether to write or not to write, to tell or not tell. However, journalists are systematically recruited into party and commercial systems, and they have comfortably adopted a cosy demeanour to the extent of collaborating with powerful interest groups and formations. When journalists self-censor not because of fear of violence or threats or other safety concerns, it undermines the transcendental ideal of providing information as a public good and in the public/national interest." (Abstract)
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"In the Philippines, the assault on the press has gone digital. While Filipino journalists continue to face physical, verbal, and legal threats and attacks, cyber-attacks and online harassment/trolling were identified in 2018 as the second worst threat against them, after low wages and poor working
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conditions, according to the International Federation of Journalists and the Southeast Asia Journalist Unions. Websites of news outlets have also been hacked and taken down. These challenges make the press vulnerable to self-censorship and may even lead to fatal outcomes. This chapter seeks to fill the gap in the literature on the digital types of assault on the Philippine alternative press, focusing on the experience of alternative news media outlets—independent media particularly critical of the government. It explores the range of such threats and attacks and the responses, legal frameworks, and remedies in place that are used to combat dangers of this nature." (Abstract)
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"The very basis for journalism to perform its societal role of enabling a well-informed citizenry through the factual reporting of news, grounded in professional standards of accuracy, sincerity and objectivity is that it is undertaken safely. Indeed, the ability of journalism to pursue what we here
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name a “civil role” (Harrison, 2019), which fosters solidarising inclusion among members of society in support of a shared communicative civil life, is conditioned by its inextricable relationship with a well-informed citizenry. Key to this relationship is a media and information literate public that is able, not only to critically evaluate media, but also has the capability to understand the societal value of journalism. This paper therefore argues that strategies to secure journalistic safety must consider how this relationship between journalism and a media and information literate citizenry is prone to attack by divisive anti-civil forces (e.g. from illegitimate state and market intrusion) that produce conditions of civil diminishment and un-safety for journalists (Harrison, 2019 and Torsner, 2019). This paper first develops a theoretical understanding of the link between a media and information literate citizenry and the (un)-safety of journalism. It establishes how journalistic safety is both positively linked to a media and information literate public that functions as a potential bulwark against attacks targeting journalism – forms of civil resistance, and negatively interlinked with a media and information illiterate citizenry that engenders hostility towards journalism. We conclude that strengthening the media and information literacy of society should be considered as a strategy to safeguard a free, independent and safe environment for journalism. Second, the paper uses empirical case studies to illustrate the role of citizens and communities of audiences in protecting journalism through expressions of solidarity that articulate an understanding of the societal value of journalism. Doing so the paper examines how a strong relationship of trust between journalism and communities of audiences, and between journalism and members of society, via media and information literacy, can serve to protect journalism in contexts where independent journalism is restricted and regularly attacked." (Abstract)
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"Despite the growing scholarship on investigative journalism in Latin America, very few studies have addressed collaboration across newsrooms in the region. By analyzing the responses of 251 journalists who work for investigative units in Latin American news outlets, this study explores a) the reaso
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ns why Latin American journalists are increasingly seeking to participate in national and transnational collaborative enterprises, b) the challenges they identify, and c) the role digital technologies are playing in this trend of transnational collaboration. Using mixed methods, we found that collaborations occur to enhance the impact of investigative projects, to reach larger audiences, and to achieve a big-picture coverage. We also found that safety is an important motivation to work in conjunction with other newsrooms—by collaborating, journalists are able to strengthen security measures and challenge censorship. Yet, coordinating teams—especially at the transnational level—remains the biggest challenge to overcome. Digital technologies are significantly related to reporters’ likelihood of collaborating, but these technologies require other reporting skills to be useful for investigative journalism. Implications for research and practice are discussed." (Abstract)
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"There is a growing and urgent threat to the safety of journalists across Europe which constitutes a terminal threat to democracy and urgent action by Council of Europe Member States is required. At the international level, detailed guidance and standards for the protection of journalists have been
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developed, based on the binding legal requirements of the European Convention on Human Rights. Member States should now put in place National Action Plans to ensure that these international standards are implemented in practice. The foregoing paragraphs summarize the most urgent action points along with examples of State practice. There is much that Member States can learn from each other, and from countries outside Europe who have taken action to protect the safety of journalists. It is recommended that Member States conduct a thorough review of the threats to journalists’ safety in their countries and engage in genuine partnership with journalists and civil society to remedy these risks. All-encompassing National Action Plans should be drawn up, implemented, and kept under regular review. These Plans must contain ‘SMART’ (specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, time-bound) action points that respond to the needs on the ground – for example, providing police protection, or supporting evacuation mechanisms for journalists. Underpinning the National Action Plan must be a positive and genuine commitment to the importance of the right to freedom of expression: political leaders and public officials should explicitly recognize that violence against journalists constitutes a threat to democracy, unequivocally condemn violent attacks, and stop denigrating the media. A positive message needs to come from the top that freedom of expression is vital to democracy." (Conclusion and recommendations, page 20)
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"Amid growing threats to journalists around the world, this study examines the nature of online harassment, the types of journalists most likely to experience it, and the most common forms of response to such abuse. Through a representative survey of U.S. journalists, we find that nearly all journal
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ists experience at least some online harassment but that such harassment is generally infrequent overall and especially in its most severe forms. Nevertheless, online harassment against journalists disproportionately affects women (particularly young women) and those who are more personally visible in the news but not necessarily those who work for larger newsrooms. Moreover, it is clear that the more often a journalist is harassed online, the more likely they are to take a dim view of the audience by seeing them as irrational and unlike themselves, and to perceive interaction with them as less valuable. Additionally, as greater targets of the worst forms of abuse, women face a greater burden in deciding if and how to respond to online harassment. Conceptually, this article advances the literature on journalists and audiences by extending the concept of reciprocal journalism, which emphasizes individual-level perceptions that shape the quality of person-to-person exchanges. We explore how the experience of online harassment may complicate the way that journalists think about and act toward their audiences, offering a window into the downsides of encountering audiences online." (Abstract)
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"While much research on Arab and Muslim diasporas in the West focuses on the War(s) on Terror, in this article, we explore how two particular diasporic groups, Egyptian and Saudi activists, work to shape public perceptions of the authoritarian regimes in their countries of origin. Contextualizing th
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e efforts of these activists in the post-Arab Spring political and mediated environments, we investigate how these political exiles employ communication to disrupt, expose and resist the resurgent authoritarianism taking root in their countries of origin. Using a comparative framework, we analyse the discourse of two prominent activists, Mohamed Ali and Omar Abdelaziz, to illustrate the larger dynamics of online cyberactivism amongst these diasporic groups. Critically, we argue, the differences in these two activists’ communicative practices demonstrate how ostensibly similar resistance movements may lead to disparate political outcomes, as their calls for change diverge when it comes to issues of reform versus revolution. In doing so, we seek to complicate overly simplistic understandings of Arab anti-authoritarian resistance taking place online in the post-Arab Spring era." (Abstract)
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"In the middle of a global pandemic, as a wave of anti-racism activism sweeps the nation, conditions are rife for a spike in online hate and harassment. Tens of thousands have taken to the streets to protest police brutality while millions more socially distance at home, anxious and isolated, with e
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yes glued to phones and computer screens. In this climate of extreme uncertainty and unease, the tensions playing out IRL are sure to reverberate and escalate in the digital realm. We’ve already seen a rise in online attacks against scientists, public health experts, Asians, and Asian Americans, and we will no doubt see increased abuse targeting activists, journalists of color, and anyone commenting or reporting on the protests." (Abstract)
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"India ranks 140th among 180 countries worldwide in the World Press Freedom Index (WPFI), according to the 2019 report by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In 2018, India was 138th in the same index and 136th in 2016. For the media of the world's largest democracy, this is disconcerting. The slide in
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the country's press freedom ranking is indicative of a complex and hostile social, political, and economic environment pushing at the boundaries of media that is struggling to perform independently as the fourth estate. This chapter takes a critical look at imminent threats to freedom of speech and expression faced by the Indian media in the contemporary situation. The first objective of the chapter is to identify diverse threats to the Indian media, specifically journalism. The second objective is to trace both immediate as well as distal factors that breed hostility towards the media, with a focus on press laws and constitutional provisions in India." (Abstract)
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"This report presents a snapshot of the first substantial findings from a global survey about online violence against women journalists conducted by UNESCO and the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) in late 2020. Over 900 validated participants from 125 countries completed the survey in Ara
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bic, English, French, Portuguese and Spanish. The findings shared here reflect the input of the 714 respondents identifying as women. 73% of women respondents said they had experienced online violence. Threats of physical (25%) and sexual violence (18%) plagued the women journalists surveyed. And these threats radiated - 13% said they had received threats of violence against those close to them. 20% of women respondents said they had been attacked or abused offline in connection with online violence they had experienced. 13% increased their physical security in response to online violence and 4% said that they had missed work due to concerns about the attacks jumping offline. The mental health impacts of online violence were the most frequently identified (26%) consequence. 12% of respondents said they had sought medical or psychological help due to the effects of online violence. The story theme most often identified in association with increased attacks was gender (47%), followed by politics and elections (44%), and human rights and social policy (31%). 41% of the respondents to this survey said they had been targeted in online attacks that appeared to be linked to orchestrated disinformation campaigns. Political actors are the second most frequently noted sources (37%) of attacks and abuse after, anonymous or unknown attackers (57%), according to the women respondents." (Introduction)
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"Over the last two decades, Nigeria has been struggling to consolidate its democratic processes to ensure peaceful campaigns and free and fair polls. But electoral processes require the free flow of verified electoral information and citizen's participation – phenomena that only free media can gua
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rantee. As enshrined in the nation's constitution, it is expected that freedoms of expression and press will be guaranteed during polls times and always. On the contrary, election times are often dejection time for Nigerian journalists. Hence, concerns are being raised about what factors are responsible for causing threats to journalists during poll times and how the menace can be mitigated. Drawing on the experiences of 12 journalists who were interviewed face-to-face, this chapter found aggressive journalistic practices, overconfidence, and breach of journalistic ethics responsible for threats to journalists' safety. The chapter concludes that professional incompetence is one of the critical factors exposing Nigerian journalists to threats." (Abstract)
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"Gender-based violence against women journalists has increased dramatically, both offline and online. These professionals face more barriers to performing their roles in safe conditions. Slow progress has been made by governments and news media industries to protect women journalists. Most of the pr
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ogressive actions to address this widespread problem have been achieved by journalists, non-government organizations (NGOs), and scholars. Thanks to the work done by these actors, violence against women journalists has been unveiled and caught the attention of human rights courts. Grounded in both communication studies and feminist theory, this chapter analyzes the structural conditions enabling gender-based violence against women journalists in Latin America to explore how it affects the collective right to freedom of expression and to consider responses to this crisis from activist movements." (Abstract)
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"Since the collapse of the Somali state in the early 1990s, the country has been one of the most dangerous places in the world for journalists. Many have been killed with impunity and the majority of those that have been killed where the perpetrator is known have been connected to political groups,
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including a range of actors such as government forces, parastatals including the Islamist group, Al-Shabaab and businessmen. The lines between such authorities are often blurred. While the targeting and assassination of journalists is certainly one key aspect of potential transitional justice process, it is not the only one. This article explores the variety of ways that journalists contribute and participate in violence and how transitional justice processes must grapple with these nuances and complexities. Drawing on examples from other countries, including South Africa and the former Yugoslavia, the article reflects on the different ways that media intersects with transitional justice processes in Somalia." (Abstract)
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"Rising numbers of online attacks against journalists have been documented globally. Female, minority reporters and journalists who cover issues interwoven with right-wing identity anchors have been primary targets. This trend reflects growing forms of mob censorship linked to the demonization of jo
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urnalists and the press by populist leaders. Based on recent cases in the United States, I define mob censorship as bottom-up, citizen vigilantism aimed at disciplining journalism. Effective responses are hard to come by given the pervasiveness of digital hate speech and the limitations of traditional approaches to the problems it represents for democratic communication." (Abstract)
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