"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"Myanmar’s local media outlets face a variety of internal and external obstacles hampering their prospects for sustainability. Key among these today, and the focus of this report, are the business realities that every media outlet must tackle." (Introduction)
"Facebook commissioned BSR to undertake a human rights impact assessment (HRIA) of the company’s presence in Myanmar. BSR undertook this HRIA between May and September 2018, using a methodology based on the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs). This assessment identifies and
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prioritizes actual and potential human rights impacts, reaches conclusions about those impacts, and makes recommendations for their mitigation and management. This HRIA was funded by Facebook, though BSR retained editorial control over its contents." (About this report, page 1)
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"The study found that there is a widespread preference towards local media as people feel that these media outlets provide them with information relevant to their local communities and daily lives. Television is a preferred medium for consuming news but social media, and Facebook in particular, is c
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atching up. A culture of sharing news and information ensures that even people without access to Facebook know of the platform and get updates through friends and family. People’s trust in media differs but with many preferring state-owned media to deliver trustworthy and reliable news and information. Some news consumers showcase a natural skepticism towards news and information, but limited access to reliable information makes it difficult for them to verify what they read, see or hear. Despite some people’s ability to critically reflect on the information they encounter, the level of media literacy in Myanmar remains low with many finding it difficult to decipher media content and grasp the role and purpose of media and news. Based on the findings, the report ends with 12 recommendations. Six are directed towards the Myanmar media industry, journalists and other content producers while the remaining six are targeted at media development organizations and learning institutions." (Executive summary)
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"From the analysis of one week of conflict coverage in May 2018, this study found that the media relies on a limited number of sources to cover conflicts. Stories are often reported with a single or no sources and elite sources are preferred over people who have experienced the conflict and its cons
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equences. Furthermore, limited access to information forces private-owned media to rely on information brought by government-owned or military-owned media, which increases the risk of circular reporting and spreading of mis- and disinformation. Limited access to information also impacts news selection as journalists in Myanmar are often restricted from entering conflict areas (or do not have the necessary safety training nor equipment) to report from the field. Although the media is able to cover conflicts from a human-interest point of view, this choice of framing is not consistent. There is a big difference in how the conflict in Rakhine is being covered compared to other conflicts. Particularly the coverage of the Rohingya Muslims is inadequate and unsettling. The Rohingya appear to be a non-priority for the media, and the presentation of the minority group is marked by prejudices." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"The 43 country reports included in this year’s Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) capture the different experiences and approaches in setting up community networks across the globe. They show that key ideas, such as participatory governance systems, community ownership and skills transfe
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r, as well as the “do-it-yourself” spirit that drives community networks in many different contexts, are characteristics that lend them a shared purpose and approach. The country reports are framed by eight thematic reports that deal with critical issues such as the regulatory framework necessary to support community networks, sustainability, local content, feminist infrastructure and community networks, and the importance of being aware of “community stories” and the power structures embedded in those stories." (Back cover)
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"A survey, conducted in July 2018, interviewed 750 people from the Rohingya community and 750 people from the host community (local Bangladeshi citizens) about how they access information, what they think of the information and how they communicate with aid providers. The survey tracked how perceive
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d provision of information has changed since an initial information needs assessment, carried out by Internews, in October 2017 [...] The survey shows that people feel substantially more informed in July 2018 than they did in October 2017. The Internews study in October found that only 23% of Rohingya men and women felt they had enough information to make good decisions for themselves and their family. This recent study shows that 84% feel they have enough information to make good decisions for themselves and their families and three quarters (75%) of the Rohingya community said it had become easier to get information over the last six months. This is similar to other data collected – a recent Translators without Borders study found that 68% of Rohingya refugees feel they have enough information to make decisions. During fieldwork, almost a third (30%) of Rohingya survey respondents asked the data collectors questions such as, did they know where to collect relief, or did they know anything about the Government’s plans for repatriation? This suggests that while the Rohingya community feel better informed than when they first arrived, they still have many questions, particularly around their future – only 41% of respondents said they felt informed about their options for the future. The survey showed that the current key information needs of the Rohingya and host community are around their main concerns – where to find food. The Rohingya are also worried about sourcing cooking fuel, while the host community is seeking information around financial support as a result of perceived declining employment opportunities [...] Mahjis (Rohingya community leaders) are the main source of information for Rohingya people (mentioned by 87% of participants) and are now the most trusted source of information (they were only ranked 7th in the October 2017 information needs assessment). This increase in trust may be reflective of how agencies and camp coordinators are more systematically using mahjis to share information with people in their camp block. Mahjis are the main channel through which Rohingya communities say they communicate with aid providers (mentioned by 38% of respondents)." (Executiv summary)
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"The main purpose of this report is to analyze the documentary feature film called 'The Opium War' based on the civilians' antidrug movement in the author's home place, Myanmar's Kachin state. The film mainly focuses on the antidrug movement 'Pat Jasan' organized by Myanmar civilians and which liter
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ally translates in the local Kachin language by "stop and clean off drugs". This documentary does not follow one single character but a group of civilians who are activists in the antidrug movement. The film covers a series of incidents that occur between the antidrugcivilian activists and farmers producing opium. The report is a step-by-step analysis of the film's production process from the conception of the idea to the completion of the film within the period of the years 2016 to 2017 [...] The main shortcoming of this film is that the author didn't manage to obtain as much information from the government and from the drug lords as he wished. But not only some police officials declined interviews, but basically the crew was risking the whole time being arrested by the officials for exposing the drug problem to a wider audience. Additionally it was life-threatening to approach too much the drug lords and the opium farmers who woul become aggressive towards people with cameras. Because of those issues coming from both the police and the drug lords the crew had to shoot many of the scenes in the film secretly from rootops or from trees in order to avoid being spotted. Still while shooting the film, the crew witnessed the death of an antidrug activist who was shot dead by drug lords and the serious wounding of another fifty people by an attack from opium farmers." (Abstract)
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"In this special edition of GISWatch, Unshackling Expression, APC brings together analysis on the criminalisation of online expression from six Asian states: Cambodia, India, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand. While the report mostly focuses on criminalisation, curbs placed on expression usin
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g laws, regulations and policies are also discussed in parts. These countries were chosen for closer study based on preliminary assessment. These six states have several socio-political characteristics that are similar and varied. They have largely similar legal systems, since India, Malaysia, Myanmar and Pakistan are former British colonies and follow the commonwealth system. These countries were also chosen keeping in mind sub-regional balance and to bring to the table a diverse experience with laws and violations. All these states, amongst many others, criminalise online expression for a variety of reasons, which they set out in their constitutions and legislations. In these country reports, the authors identify and analyse the reasons for which online expression is criminalised, from defamation to sedition, hate speech to blasphemy, national security to contempt of court." (Page 5)
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"Under the heading “Inclusive, independent media in a new democracy”, the 5th annual Myanmar Media Development Conference took place 7 – 8 November 2016 in Yangon, the first to be held under the new democratically elected government. The conference featured government representatives, media ow
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ners, human rights activists, and media practitioners from different ethnic backgrounds. A less stringent, hardtalk-like format paved the way for a less formal and more frank discussion than that of previous years. Gender inequality in media and the challenges of ethnic and community media were at the heart of discussions, where Minister of Information, U Pe Myint, expressed continued commitment to the media reform process. “This year’s meeting theme recognises that for media to develop, the country’s diverse voices, in terms of gender and ethnicity, must also be considered.” The exceptionally high turnout of more than 300 representatives from the media, government, military, judiciary, civil society and international press freedom organisations at the meeting was, if anything, a clear illustration of the continued sense of importance invested in the media reform process in Myanmar." (Page 7)
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"In a country as historically conflict ridden as Myanmar, will the reduced communication costs yielded by the recent expansion of mobile telephony create political affordances that make collective organization for peace or violence more likely to prevail? Applying a random effects model of time-seri
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es cross-sectional data, we test the relationship shared by ethnic groups’increasing access to mobile telephony and their incidence of violent conflict against the state. By comparing differences in the effect across two distinct periods of time—before and after mobile phones became widely available—we can conduct robust tests of this relationship. The results of the analysis offer only marginal support for the prediction that increased access to mobile phones amplified groups’ incidence of violence against the state. More often, the direction of the effect traveled in the opposite direction, suggesting that the spread of mobile phones possibly served as a pacifying force for certain ethnic groups. Conclusions. Within the context of Myanmar, the expansion of mobile telephony has not encouraged greater violence and may instead serve as a pacifying force." (Abstract)
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"The study shows that very little time and space is given to women as news sources and subjects in Myanmar media. The overall figure of 16% representation across all mediums, can be interpreted as an established practice of media to defer in most cases to the male source. Female and male sources are
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most frequently sourced as spokespersons of an organization or group. In this case it is the organization or group being represented, not the reporter, who is choosing who is interviewed. This indicates that 1) the high proportion of male sources in news reflects the concentration of men in high-status positions in society, and 2) reporters make little effort to interrupt this systematic representation of male voices, when actually they can make a difference through their other choices of sources." (Conclusion)
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"There is no accessible media in the Rohingya language, leaving the Rohingya population of well over a million, now spread between Myanmar and Bangladesh, reliant on information only available in languages other than their own [...] This assessment, conducted in the Cox’s Bazar region of Banglades
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h in late October 2017, examines the information ecosystem facing the area’s crisis affected population (introduction). According to the executive summary (page 10), "mobile phones were one of the main sources to send and receive information prior to arrival in the camps, which indicates a high household’s ownership of mobile phone sets (64%). Within newly arrived families, smart phones are mainly used by adult men between age 15 to 24; many of them have taken an active role to mingle with others, access to Facebook and YouTube, and bring information back to the households. Some of the young boys with smart phones have said to spend major amount of credit on data rather than voice connectivity. Also, young men find places to gather, such as shops, where they can charge phones and share information with others of the same age. The lack of access to information and communication channels should perhaps not be surprising, given the enormous challenges presented by the information landscape. 71% of the affected population has had no formal education of any kind, and 77% of the refugee population is illiterate in any language. The Rohingya dialect, the main language spoken by 96% of the refugee population, has no agreed written script. It is technically illegal for refugees to purchase SIM cards. Access to radio sets is limited, and the signal is weak in many areas. What mass media that is available, is in Bangla or Chittigonian. 81% of refugees do not currently listen to the radio."
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"The United States Agency for International Development/Burma launched the Civil Society and Media (CSM) Activity in 2014 to improve engagement between the public and the Government of Burma by supporting local civil society and media organizations. This mixed-methods, mid-term performance evaluatio
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n focused on the CSM Activity’s programmatic effectiveness and contributions to democratic processes as well as how it affected inclusivity of vulnerable groups. Overall, the CSM Activity worked effectively to influence laws, policies, processes, practices, and services affecting the people of Burma. While some civil society grantees offered recommendations to the government about laws and policies on a national scale, others contributed to action on the local level. All media grantees produced content to raise awareness about priorities of public interest. Some contributed to action by State/Region and local governments, but government entities do not openly recognize media as influencing their decisions and actions. The Activity increased the quantity of content produced by media grantees, particularly in periphery areas, and it had some success in increasing exchange of information between urban and rural areas; however, most examples are not related to Union-level democratic reform issues. The Activity’s influence on an improved media enabling environment has been limited, given the restrictive operating environment and constriction in Burma’s press freedoms." (Abstract)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"This is a case story demonstrating how puppetry was integrated into educational programmes in Myanmar to address disabilities and the importance of an inclusive education." (Publisher description)