"The factors that led to the overall unsatisfactory assessment of the project can be summarised as follows:
• The project was not anchored in any overarching reference framework. Accordingly, neither its contributions to the strategic objectives of the German development cooperation nor to any oth
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er national or international development agenda were specified. While this has nothing to do with the actual quality of the project, as already outlined in the introduction, it leaves the question of whether the OECD/DAC criteria were suitable to evaluate it.
• The organisational setup of the project was inefficient. Having two intermediary organisations with separate overheads, trying unsuccessfully to change a national implementing partner, and finally needing to involve GIZ staff on the ground increased the costs and resulted in an inefficient use of financial resources.
• During the planning of the project, fundamental rules for German development cooperation projects were disregarded: there were no preceding government consultations; implementing partners were chosen without considering alternatives (particularly at political level); neither a risk assessment nor stakeholder mapping took place; and the instruments to be applied were defined beforehand. This procedure appears unusual for GIZ.
• The lack of results at impact level can partly be attributed to the fact that the project did not have a political partner. The professionalisation of an industry/economy requires support from political decision-makers as they have the ability to establish and enforce an appropriate regulatory framework. For instance, the introduction of a tax incentive for film productions could only be achieved through collaboration with the ministries for finance and culture." (Conclusions, page 45)
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"This book studies tabloid journalism newspapers within the broader context of press freedom in Africa. After defining tabloid journalism and professional practices within various political contexts, the book then proceeds to consider tabloids in Southern Africa and emerging cyberspace laws. Many fa
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ctors of press freedom are considered, including the impact of public order and national security laws on tabloids in North Africa, the impact of defamation laws on tabloids in West Africa, the impact of the fake news laws on tabloids in East Africa, and the impact of sedition and treason laws on tabloids in Central Africa. Exploring tabloid journalism and press freedom in Arabic, Portuguese, and Francophone speaking countries across Africa, this book is a unique addition to this emerging field. The book concludes by providing a synthesis of the developing patterns from the cases analysed and by looking to the future to make recommendations and map the challenges and the successes." (Publisher description)
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"This book brings together fresh evidence and new theoretical frameworks in a unique analysis of the increasing role of social media in political campaigns and electoral processes across Africa. Supported by contemporary and historical cases studies, it engages with the main drives behind the variou
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s appropriations of social media for election campaigns, organization, and voter mobilization. Contributors in this volume delve into changing and complex aspects of social media, offering an appraisal of theoretical perspectives and examining fascinating case studies which social media use is redefining elections across Africa. Contributions show that new media ecologies are resulting in new policy regimes, user behaviors, and communication models that have implications for electoral processes. The book also provides preliminary analysis of emerging forms of algorithm-driven campaigns, fake news, information distortions and other methods that undermine electoral democracy in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Côte d’Ivoire’s national election in 2010 descended into civil war into 2011 when incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede the presidency to the internationally recognized winner Alassane Ouattara. The three political players in this election—the parties of Ouattara, Gbagbo, and
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France—had deep economic incentives in the outcome of Côte d’Ivoire’s election. Drawing from interviews conducted in 2016 and 2017 in Côte d’Ivoire with 24 journalists, findings show that journalists endured many acts of harassment from political parties trying to manipulate the news coverage of this election. I argue that the mechanisms observed in Côte d’Ivoire’s electoral crisis reflect how conditions of war activate informal power alliances within the political–economic dynamics of a Global South nation in the postcolonial era. These alliances push on media in ways they would not normally during peacetime. Côte d’Ivoire is a former colony of France. It is a part of “Françafrique,” a region of 12 French-speaking African countries where France still retains considerable economic impact and has intervened militarily dozens of times since the colonies were emancipated in the early 1960s." (Abstract)
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"This paper investigated media personnel employers’compliance with safety and protection of professionals in charge of dissemination of information whenever their assignments take them to places where their lives could be at risk. The occupational safety and health convention spells out the requir
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ements that employers of labour are expected to fulfill in order to protect workers at the front line of disease of epidemic or pandemic proportions as contained in the International Labour Organisations Convention. The paper has four sections that include, introduction, literature review and analysis. Interview was used as data collection instrument. The primary data was relied upon. The qualitative data was analysed in themes. This paper argued that Health correspondent have a duty to protect themselves when at the frontline in order save their lives and that of their colleagues and their family. All safety precautions have to be adhered to. Their employers too are expected to give them all necessary kits to adhere to the safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the perceptions of Nigerian journalists towards the Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 and the governments’ online surveillance. The study employs survey and interview methods: 217 Nigerian media practitioners selected from print and online media responded to the questionnaire
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while ten key informants were interviewed. The findings revealed that a majority of the respondents are concerned about the government’s effort in suppressing freedom of expression. They believe that personal interest rather than national interest constitutes the basis for the government’s online surveillance and the proposed new Press Council Bill, which a majority believe will gag the press and restrict freedom of expression in Nigeria. A majority of the respondents also consider the government’s online surveillance an impediment to their professional duties and a violation of their privacy. Hence, they believe that it is not unlikely that their digital presence has been tracked and monitored by government security agencies. As a result, respondents have resorted to avoiding certain topics considered critical of government while also avoiding activities on social media that may be considered controversial or suspicious. Hence, respondents believe protecting the anonymity of their sources and disguising their digital footprints are the needed safety precautions." (Abstract)
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"Sierra Leone continues to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic through the dissemination of information across various platforms. The media have generally been supportive in providing the public with information and education about COVID-19. However, media owners and managers continue to raise concerns
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about difficulties in running their institutions amidst COVID-19. Some media institutions have started rotational work schedules to cope with the lack of resources to pay staff. The situation has left media institutions worried about their sustainability during the outbreak of COVID-19 and beyond. The Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) was able to secure some support for training of journalists and some financial support for radio and television stations and newspapers for broadcasting and publishing contents on COVID-19. This is, however, not enough given the enormity of the economic impact on the media industry. It is, therefore, recommended that the government of Sierra Leone put in place financial relief packages to support the media in the country in these trying times." (Conclusion)
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"In Rwanda, Save the Children collaborated with education ministries, publishing industry stakeholders, schools, book sellers and libraries in order to strengthen existing systems and increase output and availability of quality local language children’s books. This ‘whole chain’ approach addre
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sses every step of a book’s journey from authorship to child and emphasizes the need for sustainable, profitable industries which will guarantee availability of local-language, contextually relevant reading materials to support a culture of reading in the long term." (Introduction)
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"In Rwanda, Save the Children collaborated with Education and Culture Ministries, publishing industry stakeholders, schools, book sellers and libraries in order to strengthen existing systems and increase output and availability of quality local language children’s books. This ‘whole chain’ ap
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proach addresses every step of a book’s journey from authorship to child and emphasizes the need for sustainable, profitable industries which will guarantee availability of local-language, contextually relevant reading materials to support a culture of reading in the long term." (Page 2)
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"In sub-Saharan Africa, the private media are often considered corrupt and thus incapable of performing critical watchdog functions. Using the Ghanaian case, the objective of this study is to examine how the private media contribute to exposing political corruption and demanding accountability. Base
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d on the media-as-a-watchdog theory and on primary and secondary data, this article argues that private media outlets make significant contributions to the fight against political corruption. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were used to collect primary data in Ghana. Relevant secondary data from media reports and scholarly work supplement the primary data. The research findings show that Ghanaian private media address political corruption through investigative reporting, agenda-setting, providing a forum for anti-corruption discussions, and acting as a pressure group for institutional and legal reforms as well as political accountability. This article thus questions the popular claim that in sub-Saharan Africa, the private media cannot contribute meaningfully to combatting corruption involving influential political actors. Policy and future research implications are presented in the conclusions." (Abstract)
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"The significance of radio as a provider of essential news and information in conflict-affected and fragile countries cannot be underestimated nor can its role in contributing to shifts in critical consciousness, changes in behaviour, and raising awareness amongst marginalised groups. This is partic
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ularly the case regarding the influence of radio on women's empowerment. In Niger, women suffer from widespread gender inequality with a 75% child marriage rate, low literacy rates, polygamy and gender-based violence. The most important source of information women have is radio. This article illustrates radio's impact on women's rights and empowerment in the world's poorest country. It draws on extensive fieldwork conducted in 2018–19 (workshops, semi-structured interviews and focus groups) and in-depth content analyses of women-related radio output broadcast by Studio Kalangou, a radio studio in Niger, set up in 2016 by the Swiss-based media development agency, Fondation Hirondelle. The article demonstrates how increasing and developing the targeting of radio programmes to include more women-related themes and improving the content will contribute to empowering women politically, economically and within society." (Abstract)
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"Fruit de la coopération bilatérale entre la République arabe libyenne et la République de Guinée, la Télévision nationale est née le 14 mai 1977. À cette époque, le petit écran était encore un luxe que beaucoup de pays africains n’arrivaient pas à s’offrir. La coopération multilat
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érale accompagne depuis notre média audiovisuel public, qui est devenu un puissant moyen de communication de masse. Aux côtés du Gouvernement guinéen, la République fédérale d’Allemagne, la France, le Japon, la République populaire de Chine et l’Union européenne, entre autres partenaires, ont aidé la télévision guinéenne à traverser le temps pendant ses quarante premières années. En dépit de ce long parcours, force est de reconnaître qu’il reste encore beaucoup de défis majeurs à relever." (Dos de couverture)
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"This article analyzes the career path of Aminata Kane Koné, a highly educated Ivorian Muslim woman, who has emerged as a female figure of success. A prominent activist of the Association des Élèves et Étudiants Musulmans de Côte d'Ivoire in the 2000s, she has become a self-made religious entre
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preneur through media and social initiatives. She has overcome social constraints to establish herself as a highly mediatized Muslim public intellectual, influential not only in Islamic circles, but within the broader society. Her case illustrates ways in which relationships between gender and Islamic authority are changing in West Africa. She embodies a uniquely hybrid feminism, influenced by her secular education and her Muslim faith." (Abstract)
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"We conducted a mixed-methods research project in Nigeria, India, and Pakistan consisting of surveys, survey experiments, and semi-structured interviews, to better understand the spread and impact of misinformation, and in particular of misinformation on mobile messaging apps (MIMs). One of our goal
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s was to evaluate the relevance and prevalence of viral false claims in each country. We found evidence that popular “false claims” debunked by fact-checking companies are widely recognized, but, unsurprisingly, news from mainstream media are more widely recognized than the false claims. This is certainly a good sign, which confirms similar trends reported elsewhere. However, we also found preliminary evidence that misinformation circulates wide on messaging apps. When asked whether and where they encountered researcher-selected false claims, participants reported to be exposed to more false claims than “mainstream claims” (i.e., true) on messaging apps, while this was not the case for traditional media, such as newspapers and TV News. While others have found false claims to be more prevalent on social media than on mainstream media, this is the first systematic evidence that messaging apps might be the primary source for spread of misinformation." (Executive summary)
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"Using a randomized encouragement design, we assigned 2,064 people to listen to either 'Ina Mafita' or to a control program (professional soccer matches) each week over the course of two months. Recruitment and engagement were conducted remotely via short message service (short message system [SMS]
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or text message). The results indicate that the radio show 'Ina Mafita' had a positive effect on listeners’ beliefs about the importance of being a role model and a positive but not significant effect on the belief in local committees’ value in reintegrating at-risk youth. Results were more pronounced for high complier subsample and for those who reported liking the show’s story line. The authors found no effect on listeners’ views of kidnap victims. The researchers found no or possibly negative effects on listeners’ value of diversity, however, it must be noted that the show did not explicitly address this theme. Listeners also enjoyed the show and many continued to listen to the show after the incentivized exposure had concluded." (Key findings)
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