"The chapter examines how news coverage of feminist protests in Mexico, one of the most violent countries in the world for women and for journalists, has changed in mainstream Mexican media since the #MeToo movement’s revitalization after 2017. With few exceptions, news coverage in Mexico, a count
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ry in the Global South, has historically emphasized disruptive behavior and the use of violence rather than the grievances of protesters. This trend follows the protest paradigm, which contends that media coverage tends to disparage protesters and hinder their role as political actors. However, the trend in coverage has begun to shift over the past several years, yet minimal scholarly discussions have occurred about temporal and geographical variations in news coverage of feminist mobilizations in Mexico. Given the recent increase in feminist demonstrations and upsurge in violence against women, this chapter provides findings from qualitative content analyses of 1007 news articles from 25 Mexican news media and agencies and assesses how they reported on the annual International Women’s Day marches on March 8 for the 2018–2020 time frame. These analyses concentrate on four dimensions of news coverage that focus on women’s protests: the evolution of topics in the news narrative; the tone of the coverage focusing on demonstrations; source selection; and news frames. The chapter demonstrates that journalists in Mexico have begun to shift away from the typical protest paradigm when covering demonstrations, and that they have moved toward a more assertive framing of women’s demands." (Abstract)
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"Long before the COVID-19 crisis, Mexican Indigenous peoples were faced with organizing their lives from afar, between villages in the Oaxacan Sierra Norte and the urban districts of Los Angeles, as a result of unauthorized migration and the restrictive border between Mexico and the United States. B
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y launching cutting-edge Internet radio stations and multimedia platforms and engaging as community influencers, Zapotec and Ayuujk peoples paved their own paths to a transnational lifeway during the Trump era. This meant adapting digital technology to their needs, setting up their own infrastructure, and designing new digital formats for re-organizing community life in all its facets—including illness, death and mourning, collective celebrations, sport tournaments, and political meetings—across vast distances. Author Ingrid Kummels shows how mediamakers and users in the Sierra Norte villages and in Los Angeles created a transborder media space and aligned time regimes. By networking from multiple places, they put into practice a communal way of life called Comunalidad and an indigenized American Dream—in real time." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the way in which SDG initiatives have been disseminated by mainstream media, in government discourse and by NGO’s, charitable organisations, and campaign groups. It questions to what extent sustainability narratives are being supported and how they are represented; how saving t
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he environment can be made pertinent to someone who has no access to clean food or running water; and why local initiatives (in which indigenous populations are making a real difference) are overshadowed by multinationals whose attempts to rectify the damage their goods have done gains more credible reportage." (Publisher description)
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"This book focuses on the politics, ethics and stereotypical pitfalls of representational practices surrounding Gender-Based Violence (GBV) from a global perspective. The originality of the volume is linked to its cross-disciplinary perspective as the topic of representing GBV is analyzed across the
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domains of philosophy/epistemology, fiction and the arts (including literature, film, television series and music) and non-fictional representations in the media (including broadcast media, online/print journalism, transmedia activism). The volume identifies contemporary representational practices and the theoretical and critical responses, examining various aspects of popular culture from around the world. In doing so, the editors put feminism in conversation with global trends to identify its cultural frontline." (Publisher description)
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"In a reality that combines the virtual with the physical and in a context of information saturation, there are consumers who are more critical, demanding, and less loyal. In this context, it is timely to know the new habits of the Centennials, so as to understand their behaviors and consumption tre
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nds, aligning future communication strategies to their personality and interests. The Centennials or Generation Z are digital natives, concerned with technology, and complex to understand (Alonso-López; Terol-Bolinches, 2020). Generation Z –analyzed in this study– is composed of those born between 2000 and 2008, which corresponds to the youth currently between 14 and 22 years old (Vilanova; Ortega, 2017; Hernández; Andrade-del-Cid, 2020). The main objective of this research is to determine the patterns of consumption and online behavior exhibited by this generation in Mexico, Colombia, Chile, and Panama, with a focus on the characteristics of communication processes, online consumption patterns, and the cultural traits they possess. To achieve this, a mixed method is proposed consisting of a Twitter conversation analysis, survey application (n=550), in-depth interviews (n=36), and focus groups (n=2); all of which have been applied in the four selected countries. The main conclusions are that the preferred content of Centennials is humor (75%), with Instagram and TikTok being the most used networks. For they, the most important thing is to take care of their image and 40% are not interested in technological topics. Furthermore, cultural characteristics are shared among countries; however, language is the main difference between countries." (Abstract)
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"After the death of a reporter who investigated narcopolitics, her colleagues formed a secret collective to bring the killers to justice—and challenge a culture of impunity." (Introduction)
"México es por 14 años consecutivos uno de los países más peligrosos para ejercer el sacerdocio. Son 7 los sacerdotes asesinados durante este sexenio 2018-2022. En el último año se dieron cerca de 800 extorsiones, amagos y amenazas contra sacerdotes en la República mexicana, principalmente lo
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s motivos de estos delitos están vinculados a fraudes y apropiación ilícita de recursos de las víctimas necesarios para el ejercicio de su ministerio. En el 2022 destacaron las declaraciones de los mismos obispos que fueron impedidos en su derecho de circulación por retenes del crimen organizado. Mayores detalles fueron proporcionados por el cardenal José Francisco Robles Ortega, arzobispo de Guadalajara y Sigifredo Noriega Barceló, obispo de Zacatecas y Rafael Sandoval Sandoval, obispo de Autlán, quienes manifestaron haber sido detenidos y que el los cárteles que operan en el norte del Estado de Jalisco y Zacatecas exigen derecho de piso a los párrocos; las cuotas podrían ascender a la mitad de las colectas que se recaudan, producto de fiestas patronales que son una fuente principal de recursos para muchas parroquias y comunidades católicas del país. En el sexenio 2018-2022 se registran alrededor de cerca 24 agresiones semanales a templos y comunidades católicas." (Introducción)
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"This article examines, with ethnographic lenses, the emergence of shared networks in the Tseltal and Zapoteco communities in Chiapas and Oaxaca (Mexico). ‘Shared networks’ are first-mile signal-sharing practices that articulate interconnection infrastructure and values of coexistence to, in the
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cases studied, extend the internet to areas where the services of existing larger internet service providers are unsatisfactory or unavailable. It argues that by infrastructuring their own local networks and interconnecting to the global internet, Tseltal and Zapoteco people are effectively internet codesigners, building Latin-Centric Indigenous networks and shaping internet governance from below. When comunalidad values, supported by unlicensed frequencies of the electromagnetic spectrum, towers, radio antennas, houses’ rooftops, routers, and cables, intersect with the values of the internet service providers and their policies, hybrids emerge. Shared networks are a result of what these hybrids enact and constrain, as well as evidence of the vivid struggles for a more inclusive and pluriversal internet." (Abstract)
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"This report presents various economic, institutional, social and technological challenges that inhibit digital entrepreneurs in Mexico from developing solutions for climate action. As the startup market keeps growing in the country, special consideration must be given to sustainable and digital tec
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hnologies by governments, investors, accelerators and incubators, and other players in the ecosystem. Focusing on the four areas outlined has the potential to unlock environmental, social and economic impact associated with digital technologies. At the same time, a careful and thoughtful implementation is necessary to avoid negative consequences – for this, further discussion between the different stakeholders is needed." (Conclusion)
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"Global land and resource grabbing has become an increasingly prominent topic in academic circles, among development practitioners, human rights advocates, and in policy arenas. The Routledge Handbook of Global Land and Resource Grabbing sustains this intellectual momentum by advancing methodologica
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l, theoretical and empirical insights. It presents and discusses resource grabbing research in a holistic manner by addressing how the rush for land and other natural resources, including water, forests and minerals, is intertwined with agriculture, mining, tourism, energy, biodiversity conservation, climate change, carbon markets, and conflict. The handbook is truly global and interdisciplinary, with case studies from the Global South and Global North, and chapter contributions from practitioners, activists and academics, with emerging and Indigenous authors featuring strongly across the chapters." (Publisher description)
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"Populists and the Pandemic examines the responses of populist political actors and parties in 22 countries around the globe to the Covid-19 pandemic, in terms of their attitudes, rhetoric, mobilization repertoires, and policy proposals. The responses of some populist leaders have received much publ
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ic attention, as they denied the severity of the public health crisis, denigrated experts and data, looked for scapegoats, encouraged protests, questioned the legitimacy of liberal institutions, spread false information, and fueled conspiracies. But how widespread are those particular reactions? How much variation is there? What explains the variation that does exist? This volume considers these questions through critical analysis of countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa, by leading experts with deep knowledge of their respective cases. Some chapters focus on populist parties, others on charismatic populist leaders. Some countries examined are democracies, others autocracies. Some populists are left-wing, others right-wing. Some populists are in government, others in opposition. This variation allows for a panoramic consideration of factors that systematically influence or mediate populist responses to the pandemic. The book thus makes a unique contribution to our understanding of the intersection between two of the most pressing social and political challenges of our time. The book will be of interest to all those researching populism, extremism, and political parties, and those more broadly interested in political science, public policy, sociology, communications, and economics." (Publisher description)
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"In some of the countries, to a greater extent Spain and the Hispanic USA, fiction consistently occupies at least 40% of the programming time. This occurs in countries that, due to income levels, should be those with a higher degree of access to other sources of fiction audiovisual content, such as
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pay TV or streaming platforms. In contrast to these cases, we can observe Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, where fiction barely exceeds 15% in the years of greatest participation and is close to 10% in others. Paradoxically, both Brazil and Mexico are fiction producers and exporters to the rest of the region. Halfway between both extremes, Chile, Colombia, Peru, Portugal, Uruguay and Venezuela can be observed in the years in which it has been possible to observe their behavior. Since open television is a system of contents structured in schedules associated with household routines, it is worth asking about differences in roles and uses of television by audiences or the eventual substitution of these roles by alternative media or genres. The second aspect is one of trends. Except for the case of Spain, the general trend seems to be towards a decrease in the involvement of fiction in programming. And, although the Top 10 most watched fiction productions offer a very partial view of the whole, they also show a decrease in time of the audience levels reached." (Pages 24-25)
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"Chapo Guzmán was the leader of the Sinaloa Cartel. Although he was a well-known criminal, there is a scarcity of first-hand information about his career. This situation raises a question: how did Guzmán become a public figure without having public exposure? This communicative phenomenon is possib
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le because drug cartels have sophisticated propaganda techniques that allow them to challenge the state not only in the military realm but also in the cultural realm. Among other media, these criminal organizations use narcocorridos, a popular music genre, as a medium for propaganda. This article studies, through a narrative analysis of 66 lyrics, how music, as a form of political communication, is used as propaganda. This study found three main narratives in the narcocorridos dedicated to Guzmán: (i) the origins of this drug dealer; (ii) the masculine features that led him to be a global kingpin; and (iii) his genius for corrupting political systems. These lyrics are propaganda because: (a) they spread knowledge in the form of stories about Guzmán; (b) they create a mythology about the kingpin and the narco-world; and (c) they distort reality by picturing Guzmán as a great man and blur reality by suppressing any reference to the drug wars." (Abstract)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Este relatório fornece transcrições resumidas de consultas nacionais sobre a viabilidade da mídia com as partes interessadas no setor dos meios de comunicação. As consultas nacionais são baseadas nas trocas de conhecimento e pesquisas proporcionadas pela UNESCO e pela The Economist Intellige
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nce Unit (EIU) e visam explorar a viabilidade de possíveis soluções para preservar a viabilidade da mídia sem comprometer a independência editorial e a integridade do jornalismo. As consultas nacionais foram organizadas e resumidas pela Free Press Unlimited (FPU)." (Introdução)
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"Este livro surge em defesa da Lei de Acesso às Informações Públicas, que completa dez anos da entrada em vigor em 16 de maio de 2022. A Lei 12.527/11 ou LAI, como é conhecida, é inegavelmente um instrumento importante para a promoção da participação e da cidadania para a constituição de
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um esta do democrático previsto na Constituição Federal. Durante a primeira década de existência da LAI é possível constatar que houve avanços importantes na promoção do acesso à informação, pois a vigência da Lei permitiu a adoção de iniciativas de construção da visibilidade de informações antes disponíveis apenas para servidores e agentes políticos que viviam a intimidade da admi nistração pública e estavam habituados à premissa do segredo em detrimento da informação." (Em defesa da LAI, página 13)
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