"The subject of this article is the issue of journalist-spies in the Bulgarian media before and after the fall of communism in 1989. The focus is on the perceptions of Bulgarian journalists on the role alleged secret service collaborators played, and continue to play, in the postcommunist society an
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d media landscape. Role perceptions are explored through semi-structured interviews with practicing journalists from the capital city, Sofia. The findings suggest that Bulgarian journalists continue to be concerned with, and affected by, the influence of former communist spies on the Bulgarian media, a controversy that has largely been ignored by media scholars." (Abstract)
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"59 percent of the population of Bulgaria do not consider the media to be independent. Many are undecided and only 17 percent believe reporting is free. The crisis of confidence in the media is continuing, according to a study on behalf of the KAS Media Program South East Europe. Citizens also feel
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they are inadequately informed by the politicians. 63 percent take a negative view of politicians’ public relations. A representative sample of 1,100 residents aged 18 and over was interviewed." (Page 1)
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"Mediated Communities brings together a diverse, global cohort of academics and professional communicators to assess the current state of democratic mobilizing around the world and the ways in which protest movements are being transformed in the midst of a communication revolution. The volume’s co
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ntributors draw on a variety of international settings—from Greece to Lebanon, China to Argentina—to demonstrate the ways in which community organizing in the digital age relies increasingly on digital media to communicate, help participants find common ground, and fight for change. The contributors acknowledge the challenges that lie ahead for creating real and lasting democratic change but at the same time are able to draw attention to the potential that digital media hold for strengthening citizen voices around the globe." (Back cover)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"For this assessment more than 390 surveys were made in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey [...] In addition to the survey a further 150 in-depth interviews were held, complemented by a Focus Group in each country, which
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provided useful background and analytical information for the narrative parts of this report. The baseline assessment focused on the 4 objectives of the Guidelines: 1. Enabling environment and resulting responsibilities of main actors, 2. Advancing media to a modern level of internal governance, 3. Qualitative and trustworthy investigative journalism available to citizens and 4. Increasing capacity and representativeness of journalist professional organisations. In respect of the enabling environment the survey findings show that most countries have made reasonable or good progress in the field of establishing legislation and most have sufficient provisions to guarantee freedom of expression. However, there remains a serious problem in the proper implementation of the legislation ..." (Page 10)
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"This report examines self-regulation in challenging times. Journalism is increasingly a single stream of information disseminated simultaneously across different platforms of media, but its regulation remains dominated by old-fashioned notions of how media work. Usually there are two ways of regula
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ting journalism at national level: a voluntary system for the press and legal controls over broadcasting. These structures were created for yesterday’s media landscape and are increasingly out of date. Today’s digital journalists work on video, print and audio simultaneously. That’s why it makes sense to have only one national regulator, and one that covers all platforms of journalism. Another testing issue is the question of funding. Ideally, journalists and media should pay the bills for press councils, but in these cash-strapped days can media continue to afford it? Increasingly, the answer is no. So who will pay in future? Perhaps we should think about using public funds, after all, independent regulation of media is a public interest activity. But if we use taxpayers’ money how do we ensure it won’t compromise editorial independence? Finally, as this report shows, making self-regulation work at enterprise level is perhaps what counts most. Building trust with the audience should be an issue in every newsroom and the growth in the number of in-house ombudsmen or readers’ editors is a welcome sign that more media are taking the issue seriously. However, in the face of editorial cuts some managements still question money being channelled into cleaning up the mistakes of the newsroom. But as this report illustrates, keeping journalism honest is money well spent for media and, for the public at large, it’s a good investment in democracy." (Introduction, page v)
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"This report gives forecasts for online video spend and consumption, where available, for 40 markets in which online video is at varying stages of development. From markets such as Singapore, where 85% of the population claims to access online video (according to GlobalWebIndex, 2014), to countries
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where online video is still in its early stages of growth, what we see is that online video consumption has risen sharply over the past few years and has begun to attract budget-switching from TV advertising. TV remains, of course, the world’s most popular advertising channel, and will be so for some years yet. Nevertheless, networks and studios are having to adapt to the new importance of digital." (Introduction, page 1)
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"A crowded and rather poor media market, unable to secure the sustainability of media operations, a high level of job insecurity making the journalists vulnerable to political and economic pressures and – more often than not – leading to self-censorship – are some of the conclusions [...] The
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report reveals that across the region, journalists are making less than the national average salary, which indicates an erosion of the social respect for the profession. Paradoxically, the public media – still unreformed and subject to state influence – offer more stable and better paid jobs. This creates an opportunity for these media, as more and more journalists are seeking these jobs. It also reveals the need for a stronger associative effort on the part of journalists, to protect their rights." (http://www.seenpm.org)
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"Within a few short years, the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) and the Independent Media Commission (IMC) have successfully established a model of media regulation and selfregulation familiar to Western democracies. This follows a historic period of state or partisan influence in print media and broad
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casting. The achievements of the IMC and PCK should not be underestimated. However, both organisations now face a series of significant challenges. All leaders of the media industry and civil society interviewed for this study believe public awareness of the Press Council of Kosovo and the Independent Media Commission is poor, especially in the case of the IMC. Continual funding crises limit their effectiveness and capacity for future development." (Page 4)
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"Results of the 2015 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia (E&E) at first glance show encouraging results: the average of 21 overall country scores increased by 0.04 compared with last year, representing the highest average of overall scores so far this decade. Out of 21 countries studied, seven increased
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by more than one-tenth of a point. Eleven country scores remained about the same and only three decreased by more than a tenth. Indeed there are some encouraging developments, described in more detail below. However, in other cases what appear to be improvements in scores are likely to be only short-term blips on an otherwise downward or flat trend. Belarus (+0.16), Azerbaijan (+0.15), and Kazakhstan (+0.16) all showed small increases in overall score, but in all of these cases several factors indicate that this is not part of a new trend.." (Executive summary)
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"The government has developed various mechanisms for creating financial dependence on the part of the media, at both the national and the regional level. Owing to these financial relations, the media outlets become servile to the government, thereby seriously undermining own professional integrity a
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nd independence. The allocation of government advertising has been conducted on the grounds of political eligibility, in a non-transparent manner, disregarding the specific criteria such as viewership, ratings and influence. The advertising campaigns were awarded to media outlets whose editorial policy was biased towards the government, as well to other broadcasters after changing ownership and consequently also editorial policy. Using the state budget funds, the government fosters the sustainability as well as the rise of many media outlets at the national and regional levels, creating unfair competition and distorting the media market. In this way, a wide network of supportive media outlets is created, through which the media space is captured in order to spread political propaganda." (Conclusions)
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"Non-transparent ownership of media, particularly those financed by foreign capital, continues to burden Montenegrin media scene. Foreign media owners, as a rule, continue to support pro-government editorial policies. Their overall operations raise doubts of existence of clientelistic relations with
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the government. Competition among national broadcasters remains unfair considering that affiliates of the media operating in more countries in the region do not invest even minimum resources in production of the content relevant for Montenegrin audience, although they are obliged to do as holders of national licences. Measures taken to prevent illegal media concentration have given limited results, because they failed to ensure that news and campaigns published by the connected media are not controlled and edited from a single centre." (Conclusions)
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"Media ownership and media financing, although both crucially influence the ability of the media in Kosovo to play democratic role and demonstrate integrity of their journalism and business operations, have not been properly addressed through the media legislation in Kosovo. Lack of transparency mad
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e it possible for various individuals and groups with political or financial power to influence the media in order to promote or protect their own interests. In order to achieve their goals, these groups not only exerted political and/or financial pressure, but also infiltrated in the ownership of some media. Indeed, there are cases where representatives or influential members of the main parties have launched media outlets." (Conclusions)
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"The transparency of media market in Albania continues to be low, including both commercial operations and the state funding, despite of the existing databases. The involvement of new actors, such as advertising agencies, and sister companies of media outlets, makes it even more difficult to track s
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tate funding for the media, given in the form of advertising or funding to organise cultural events or public awareness campaigns. The fact that there is no central body to oversee and monitor the distribution of state advertising does not help. Furthermore, the absence of data from public companies that are not part of the state authorities makes it difficult to have a complete picture of the true extent of public funds allocated to the media." (Conclusions)
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"Particular political and business interests seem to overpower any notion of public interest in the financial relations between government and the media. The public interest that these financial patterns should in theory serve remains under-articulated and unmonitored with a lack of clear criteria,
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transparency and developed remedial mechanisms. Minimum guarantees of political independence are not provided in the schemes of government funding for media, with political bodies directly deciding on the allocation of funds." (Commentary)
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"The outflow of money from state/public funds to the media has for years been unreasonable and non-transparent. Therefore, the ultimate goal of the ongoing media reforms is to introduce certain control and transparency through privatisation of state-owned media and introduce co-financing of media pr
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ojects pursuing public interest." (Conclusions)
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"The main objective of the study was to determine and examine the perception of journalists in Kosovo on freedom of media, based on 27 indicators of the European Council. The analysis is categorized in six sectors, covering all areas of the study that pertain significant information on the perceptio
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n of journalists and media freedom: legal perspective and applicability for freedom of expression and information; self-regulatory media mechanisms; media bias and professionalism; institution transparency with regard to media; interference in media; safety in journalism." (Introduction)
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