"Das Thema Medien und Krieg wird in diesem Buch aus einer vierfachen Perspektive heraus behandelt. Es geht zum einen um die Frage nach der Berichterstattung über Kriege, zum zweiten um die Rolle von Medien im Krieg, drittens geht es darum, welche strukturellen Bedingungen von Krieg und Gesellschaft
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die Inhalte der Medien wie prägen und viertens um eine friedensstiftende Sicht auf diese Zusammenhänge. Das Fazit: Definitorisch gibt es kaum noch einen Unterschied zwischen medialer Kommunikation und Krieg." (Publisher description)
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"Now in paperback for the first time, the Handbook is an academic adaptation of information contained in the Global Report on the Status of Women in News Media, a study commissioned by the International Women's Media Foundation. The book's editor was the principal investigator of the original study.
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This text draws together the most robust data from that original study, presenting it in 29 chapters on individual nations and three additional theoretical chapters. The book is the most expansive effort to date to consider women's standing in the journalism profession across the world. Contents organize nations in relation to their progress within newsrooms, with those most advanced in gender equality representing diversity in terms of region and national development. Contributing authors are, in most cases, the original researchers for their respective nations in the Global Report study." (Publisher description)
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"In the recent years, we have witnessed several protests, initiatives and social uprisings in the SEE region, through which the citizens demanded for government accountability, suggested better policy solutions and promoted better citizen participation. Regional research “Communicating citizens' p
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rotests, requiring public accountability: Case study from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia” examines the communication practices during these social movements/ initiatives that took place in period 2011–2015, ranging in focus from environmental issues, through education reforms, to wide socio-economic issues. The aim of the research is to understand how the government officials responded to the calls to accountability, what were the practices of citizens/activist in terms of promotion of the movement and its goals, and which role did the mainstream media took when reporting on the protests and social mobilization. Study volume contains an overview of the major results of the research in three countries, and three separate country reports. The study finds that response to protests by both media and the government was rather systemic, with both failing to act in the public interest and to promote government accountability. Protests that included less criticism of the government structures received fairer media treatment, while the more anti-government ones attracted more controversial media converge (ranging from pro-government, more balanced, to supportive of protests) and framing that involved strategies of delegitimization of protests (mainly in BiH and Macedonia). But importantly, even when particular media provided fair representation of protesters (mainly case of dismantling chemical weapons in Albania), the media reports were superficial, lacking in-depth insights and analyses and substantial demands for government accountability." (Publisher description)
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"With well-organised and far-reaching weapons of information Russia has succeeded in sowing doubt about the need for democratic values and is therefore also undermining faith in democratic countries, weakening it. Russia government uses lies, concealment, and the manipulation of anything that can se
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rve their purpose—to turn citizens toward the ‘preferred’ direction. We are now faced with new and cunning forms of propaganda; a go-to source of information may turn out to be a false news outlet or a false Facebook ‘friend’. In the new information age, where borders between media fact and fiction are blurred, agents of propaganda seek to access citizens with messages presented in formats that discourage critical thinking. The main objectives of such attacks are to undermine democratic values—tolerance, minority rights, freedom of expression, the rule of law, and also loyalty to one’s country. In this war, democratic states are faced with unprecedented difficulties; in order to protect themselves they cannot fight the enemy using the same weapons the enemy uses, because then democracy would be no different than authoritarian rule. Democracies must choose mechanisms to counter hostile propaganda that comply with the rule of law and our fundamental values. This is difficult, but not impossible. In this publication, we have collected a number of expert opinions on what national governments, the EU, relevant institutions, and the media can do to win this war for the hearts and minds of the people." (Foreword)
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"There were three roles the Moldovan journalists felt closer: report things as they are, be a detached observer, and provide analysis of current affairs. According to the lowest standard deviation scores, these roles were top priority for most of the journalists. On the opposite site, the respondent
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s were almost entirely detached from the role to convey a positive image of political leadership. Moreover, Moldovan journalists downgraded such roles as set the political agenda, be an adversary of the government and support government policy. On the other hand, a great majority of respondents considered public education role dominant in their work, compared with the roles linked to economic and entertainment functions of mass media. Educate the audience, promote tolerance and cultural diversity and advocate for social change far exceeded such roles as provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience or provide entertainment and relaxation." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"This study provides a snapshot of refugees’ experiences regarding communication and information at different points on their journey. It examines the communication behaviours and priority information needs of refugees in three areas: on their journey, in “transit” camps in Greece, and in Germ
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any, for those who have reached this key destination country for refugees. The research consists of interviews with refugees and with humanitarian agency officials in Greece and Germany. The study examines how refugees access and use information, and presents the concerns and challenges faced by humanitarian agencies in addressing their needs. A total of 66 refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq participated in the qualitative study in formal and informal camps in Greece. An additional 13 interviews took place in Germany – capturing the voices of those who had completed their journey. A total of 16 focus group discussions were also conducted. Participants were asked to tell the story of their journey so far, focusing particularly on the information and communication they needed and used at different stages. In-depth interviews with 41 humanitarian actors in Greece and four in Germany captured their understanding of refugees’ communication needs." (Executive summary)
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"The KAS Task Force on Journalism Education in South East Europe has conducted a survey among journalism undergraduates and graduates in five countries – a first-time initiative in the region. Their response can be seen as a testimonial of a media sector in turmoil. In the Western Balkans and othe
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r countries in South East Europe, such as Romania, the general challenges for media outlets precipitated by the internet revolution are compounded by specific deficiencies of the media landscape. In many cases, media outlets in South East Europe operate at a loss. National media markets are too small to accommodate the relatively high number of media outlets. Citizens are largely reluctant to pay for a high standard of journalism – one of the reasons why employment conditions are volatile and often unattractive. Fewer journalists are expected to deliver a greater news output in the cross-media era. Moreover, media are often owned by business moguls with inclinations to use media ownership as an instrument for gaining political influence for whom journalist entrepreneurship is not a primary concern. Despite these daunting challenges in the broader environment, many still consider journalism a dream job. On the other hand, the study shows that half of media students envisage working in other fields following graduation." (Foreword)
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"Journalists in Serbia seriously believe in their role to inform, interpret, educate and advocate for social change. Nearly all of them, with very little divergence, say the main role of journalism is to report things as they are, followed by providing analysis, promoting tolerance and diversity, ed
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ucating the audience, letting people express their views, advocating for social change, influencing public opinion, supporting national development and telling stories about the world. Around two thirds point to aspects of the watchdog-role as important in their work: monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders and businesses and providing information people need to make political decisions, as well as being a detached observer. Slightly more than half of the interviewed journalists believe it is their job to provide advice for daily life, and there is a relative agreement among them about this. Less popular journalistic roles of setting the political agenda and motivating people to take part in political activity enjoy support of 43.1 and 37.5 percent respectively, with a higher divergence of opinions. Similarly, the disagreement is relatively high over prioritizing entertainment and relaxation, or being an adversary of the government, each upheld by one third of respondents. Supporting government’s policy and conveying a positive image of political leadership are the two least popular journalistic roles (8.9 and 12.6 percent respectively), and journalists tend to agree about this." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Romanian journalists said that objectivity is the most important attribute of their work. They strongly believe that their job is to report events exactly the way they happened, without any external or internal intervention. The low standard deviations in these cases indicate that there is a high l
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evel of agreement (at least declarative agreement) on the most important roles of the Romanian journalists. In addition, Romanian journalists think they have a duty to serve their public. As shown in Table 1, they believe their role is to educate the audience and provide an analysis of the current problems. However, the standard deviation shows that there is not a high level of agreement on the main roles of the journalists. For the majority of the Romanian journalists it is essential to assume a social role in the community. They consider it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to let people express their views, to support national development and to advocate for social change. The percentage of those who assume the role of watch dogs for the politicians is smaller; only half of the Romanian journalists questioned in this particular study believe it is important to monitor and scrutinize political leaders." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"Citizen Media and Public Spaces presents a pioneering exploration of citizen media as a highly interdisciplinary domain that raises vital political, social and ethical issues relating to conceptions of citizenship and state boundaries, the construction of publics and social imaginaries, processes o
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f co-optation and reverse co-optation, power and resistance, the ethics of witnessing and solidarity, and novel responses to the democratic deficit. Framed by a substantial introduction by the editors, the twelve contributions to the volume interrogate the concept of citizen media theoretically and empirically, and offer detailed case studies that extend from the UK to Russia and Bulgaria and from China to Denmark and the liminal spaces within which a growing number of refugees now live.A rich new domain of scholarship and practice emerges out of the studies presented. Citizen media is shown to embrace both physical and digital interventions in public space, as well as the sets of values and agendas that influence and drive the practices and discourses through which individuals and collectives position themselves within and in relation to society and participate in the creation of diverse publics." (Publisher description)
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"International radio broadcasters took on a centrally important role during the Cold War. Founded at the beginning of the 1950s, Radio Free Europe (RFE) was to become both a political instrument for influencing public opinion and one of the few alternative sources of information for many people livi
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ng to the east of the Iron Curtain. The contributions in this publication illustrate the political, social, and cultural context within which RFE operated at the time; they explore the journalistic practices used in RFE; and they analyze the content of the broadcasts and the responses of RFE’s listeners." (Back cover)
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"Mediated Communities brings together a diverse, global cohort of academics and professional communicators to assess the current state of democratic mobilizing around the world and the ways in which protest movements are being transformed in the midst of a communication revolution. The volume’s co
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ntributors draw on a variety of international settings—from Greece to Lebanon, China to Argentina—to demonstrate the ways in which community organizing in the digital age relies increasingly on digital media to communicate, help participants find common ground, and fight for change. The contributors acknowledge the challenges that lie ahead for creating real and lasting democratic change but at the same time are able to draw attention to the potential that digital media hold for strengthening citizen voices around the globe." (Back cover)
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"Trotz der hohen Standards der Mediengesetze in Bosnien-Herzegowina hapert es bei deren Umsetzung. Medienschaffende sind häufig dem Druck von Politik, staatlichen Institutionen und einflussreichen Unternehmen ausgesetzt. Viele Medienunternehmen sind aufgrund ihrer desolaten Finanzlage zusätzlich f
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ür Einflussnahme anfällig. Daher ist es kein Zufall, dass die wenigen kritischen Medien in Bosnien-Herzegowina finanzielle Mittel aus dem Ausland erhalten." (Seite 22)
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"In many ways what is identified today as "cultural globalization" in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat ("do-it-yourself" underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West
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during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political, print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia." (Book cover)
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"This book presents a wide ranging survey of the ways in which comics have dealt with the diversity of creators and characters and the (lack of) visibility for characters who don't conform to particular cultural stereotypes. Contributors engage with ethnicity and other cultural forms from Israel, Ro
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mania, North America, South Africa, Germany, Spain, U.S. Latino and Canada and consider the ways in which comics are able to represent multiculturalism through a focus on the formal elements of the medium. Discussion themes include education, countercultures, monstrosity, the quotidian, the notion of the "other," anthropomorphism, and colonialism." (Publisher description)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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